Compiled and Collated by
John F. Kihlstrom
For
hundreds of years, people have maintained "common-place" books,
similar to scrapbooks, in
which they collected literary passages, quotations,
ideas, and observations intended for personal
reflection. What follows, in this page and the
pages linked to it, is a sort of common-place book
devoted to the human ecology of memory. |
From the French, literally, an aid to memory -- not
so much a mnemonic device as a more specific retrieval cue.
But also a synonym for memorandum, which suggests that
memos were originally intended to be incomplete, sketchy, serving
as an aid to the writer's and reader's memory, suggesting that
there is more to the memory than is represented in the memorandum.
See also Digitization
as a Threat to Individual Memory, Library Digitization as a Threat
to Collective Memory.
See also Depression, Menopause.
American
Memory Project
A project of
the Library of Congress, "American Memory provides free and
open access through the Internet to written and spoken words,
sound recordings, still and moving images, prints, maps, and
sheet music that document the American experience. It is a
digital record of American history and creativity. These
materials, from the collections of the Library of Congress and
other institutions, chronicle historical events, people,
places, and ideas that continue to shape America, serving the
public as a resource for education and lifelong learning"
[from the American Memory website]. Link
to the American Memory website, http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/about/index.html.
Anniversaries
Read
"Anniversaries feed the forces of memory" (Jeremy Eichler,
reviewing a concert celebrating the 60th anniversary of the
Caramoor International Music Festival, New York Times,
06/27/05).
Art
Like
classical Greek art, much classical Roman art was devoted to
portraiture and the depiction of mythological scenes.
But the art of Imperial Rome also departed from its Greek
forebears by introducing a narrative tradition that
commemorated various historical events -- in this way,
contributing to the development of a collective memory among
its citizens. The narrative tradition in painting was
revived by the Dutch artists of the 17th century, especially
in their portrayals of domestic life, and by other artists in
the 18th and 19th centuries.
Painting,
sculpture, and other fine arts can reflect memory in other
ways, as well. One of the most famous paintings of the
surrealist Salvador Dali
is entitled The Persistence of Memory (1931). Some art is intended to depict
the processes involved in memory and forgetting, much as
Georges Seurat's pointillist A Sunday Afternoon on
the Island of La Grande Jatte
(1884-1886) represents the processes of color vision (the
paint is mixed in the eye, not on the palette).
Memory plays
an especially important role in the shadowboxes and other
constructions of the American surrealist artist Joseph
Cornell (1903-1973).
Influenced by Victorian mementos, Cornell created small
specimen cabinets or memory theaters in which various objects
were laid out inside a frame, and covered by glass. As
Robert Hughes writes in American Visions: the Epic History of Art in America (Knopf,
1997, p. 499), "To others these deposits might be refuse, but
to Cornell they were the strata of repressed memory, a jumble
of elements waiting to be grafted and mated to one
another". Commenting on the shadow boxes, the art dealer
Allan Stone has written: "The thing that struck me most
vividly about Cornell's boxes was that they reminded me a lot
of his house. There was a kind of timelessness about
them; they seemed to be designed as reveries recalling things
from long ago, which was very much like the feeling of the
rooms in his house" ("A Maker of Tiny Worlds, A Dealer and an
odd Meeting" by Rita Reif, New York Times, 10/27/02). See Joseph
Cornell by Kynaston McShine,
catalog of a retrospective exhibition
of the artist's work at the Museum of Modern Art, New York,
1980-1981.
The
contemporary American artist Robert Morris (b. 1931) makes explicit use of Bartlett's
"method of serial reproduction" in his Memory
Drawing series of 1963.
In this work, simply Morris writes out a text that he has
committed to memory: over the five drawings of the series, the
reproduction of the text becomes increasingly full of
errors. In another work, Short Splice ( also 1963), Morris recreates from memory a
narrative consisting of the sequential instructions for
finishing a length of rope. Another work from 1963, Quotations, also concerns memory. See Inability
to Endure or Deny the World: Representation and Text in the
Work of Robert Morris by Terrie
Sultan, catalog of an exhibit of Morris's work at the Corcoran
Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 1990-1991.
The Audience and Collective Memory
Writing
specifically of the AIDS crisis of the 1980s, and the loss of
not simply gay artists but also of a gay audience for them,
but making a more general point, Herbert Muschamp
writes: "An audience retains the memory of a
performance. What happens to that memory when the
audience is gone. Imagine the World Series without
veteran sports fans. You could still fill the
stadium. The crowd would still roar. But a certain
resonance would have vanished, the vibrations of a social
instrument devised for the precise purpose of detecting a
historically outstanding performance. How could this
instrument function without a database of past scores? ("The
Secret History", New York Times, 01/08/06).
(Jane) Austen on Memory
Austen's Mansfield
Park (1814) contains what my Berkeley colleague John
Coolidge has called a "rhapsody on memory", in the words of
the novel's heroine, Fanny Price (Chapter 22):
If any one
faculty of our nature may be called more wonderful than the
rest, I do think it is memory. There seems something
more speakingly incomprehensible in the powers, the
failures, the inequalities of memory, than in any other of
our intelligences. The memory is sometimes so
attentive, so serviceable, so obedient -- at others, so
bewildered and so weak -- and at others again, so tyrannic,
so beyond control! -- We are to be sure a miracle every way
-- but our powers of recollecting and of forgetting, do seem
peculiarly past finding out.
Blogs and
Blogging
See Diary, Tweets, Weblogs.
Brian
Williams's Memory
Brian Williams, longtime anchor for the NBC
Nightly News, often told a story about how, while covering
the Iraq War in 2003, his helicopter was struck by
rocket-propelled grenade and made a forced landing. In his
newscast of January 30, 2015, he told the story again, this time
on the air, during a tribute to a retiring veteran who had
also been part of the episode. Unfortunately, Williams's
story was not true. It was another helicopter which had
actually been hit, and Williams was in a trailing flight.
The ensuing controversy led to claims of inaccuracy in some of
Williams's other news reports, particularly about Hurricane
Katrina in 2005, where Williams had claimed that he had seen
bodies floating down the street of New Orleans's Latin Quarter
(which, in fact, was not seriously flooded). In the
aftermath, NBC suspended Williams for six months; Williams lost
his reputation as the most trusted television newsman since Tom
Brokaw, maybe even Walter Cronkite; and it was uncertain whether
he would ever return to the anchor desk -- or, indeed, to
journalism at all (in the end, he moved to MSNBC as anchor of a
show that aired at 11PM ET).
It is unclear whether this was a case of
simple self-aggrandizement; a case of stolen valor; a war story
whose embellishment got out of hand, slipping from causal talk
over drinks to late-night television and finally to the Nightly
News itself; or whether it was, as Williams suggested, a false
memory in which he "conflated" (his word) the two
helicopters. See, for example, "Anchors Aweigh" by
Maureen Dowd, New York Times, 02/07/2015; "How Brian
Williams's Iraq Story Changed" by David Carr, New York Times,
02/08/2015; "Was Brian Williams a Victim of False Memory?" by
Tara Parker-Pope, New York Times, 02/09/2015.
Bridey Murphy
Link to
documents pertaining to the Bridey Murphy case.
Business Cards as
Memories
Even
in this digital age, businessmen and women, and other
professionals as well, continue to exchange business
cards. The columnist "Schumpeter", writing in the
Economist ("On the Cards", 03/14/2015) suggests
that part of the perennial appeal of business cards is
that they "act as a physical reminder that you have
actually met someone rather than just Googled
them. Rifling through piles of for frequently
exchange business cards helps to summon up memories of
meetings in ways that simply looking through uniform
electronic lists never would."
Cemeteries
UC
Berkeley historian Thomas Laqueur has noted that cemeteries
-- especially, but not just, "national" cemeteries like
those at Gettysburg and Arlington in the United States, or
municipal cemeteries like Pere-Lachaise and Montparnasse in
Paris -- serve as "monumental memory gardens". "The
graveyard -- be it for saints, soldiers, or kings --
emerged, as Lauer puts it, as 'the gold standard' for a
place of national memory." (Source: "Grave Matters: Thomas
Laqueur Studies the Role of Cemeteries in Civilization" by
Frank Browning, California Monthly Fall 2012).
Coins
See Currency and Coins as Collective Memory;
see also Stamps
as Collective Memory.
Collective Memory
Link
to the "Collective Memory: Definitions" page assembled by
Harold Marcuse of UC Santa Barbara: http://www.history.ucsb.edu/faculty/marcuse/classes/201/CollectiveMemoryDefinitions.htm.
Television Histories as Collective Memory, a course taught by Gary R. Edgerton of the
Department of Communications at Old Dominion University,
focuses on how American's learn about the past from movies
and television ("Syllabus", Chronicle of Higher
Education, (02/27/04). With
Peter C. Rollins, Edgerton has also edited Television
Histories: Shaping Collective Memory in the Media Age (2001).
Collective memory can
unite a society, but it can also fragment it. In In
Praise of Forgetting: Historical Memory and Its Ironies
(2017), David Rieff argues that, as in Bosnia, collective
memory can foster hatred, and that memorials and monuments
to the past are not necessarily good things. Commenting
on the controversy which erupted in 2017 over
Confederate war memorials in the American South (and
elsewhere, for that matter, including California),
Benjamin Wallace-Wells wrote that:
Last year, the writer David Rieff,
in a book titled “In Praise of Forgetting,” warned against what
he called “too much remembering”: the inculcation of new
collective memories and the creation of new monuments almost
inevitably leads to new forms of injury. Rieff wrote, “Far too
often collective historical memory as understood and deployed by
communities, peoples, and nations . . . has led
to war rather than peace, to rancor and
ressentiment . . . rather than reconciliation,
and to the determination to exact revenge rather than commit to
the hard work of forgiveness.” When a Southern city takes down a
Confederate monument, it rights an old wrong, and removes the
source of an old grievance. But it also risks creating a new
grievance, among those who believe their own history has been
excised ("Battle Scars", New Yorker, 12/04/2017).
For hundreds of years,
people have created "common-place" books, in which they
collected literary passages, quotations, ideas, and
observations intended for personal reflection.
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term
first appeared in print in the 16th century. In 1709, the
British philosopher John Locke posthumously published a New
Method of Making Common-Place Books (sometimes
included in editions of Locke's 1690 Essay Concerning
Human Understanding). The common-place book may
be the forerunner of the modern scrap-book.
See
also:
- "Jumping Through the Computer Screen" by
Anthony Grafton [review of Reinventing Knowledge: From
Alexandria to the Internet by I.F. McNeely & L.
Wolverton], New York Review of Books, 12/23/2010.
- "Before the Flood" by Paula Findlen
[review of Too Much to Know: Managing Scholarly
Information Before the Modern Age by Ann M. Blair],
The Nation, 05/02/2011.
Confabulation
Confabulation occurs when someone remembers an event that
did not occur. It is related to false memory, obviously, but
is typically observed in the amnesic syndrome and other
neurological conditions.
The second edition of a survey by Armin
Schnider,The
Confabulating Mind - How the Brain
Creates Reality was
released by Oxford University Press in 2018. Here, from
the publisher's press release, is a list of Schnider's
chapters:
1 : The
reality of Mrs B (a striking case of reality
confusion with confabulations)
2 : The history of confabulation (Korsakoff’s and other masters’
ideas anticipated all the “modern” theories.)
3 : Types of
confabulation (yes, it makes a huge difference!)
4 : Aetiologies and
anatomy of confabulation (different causes,
different confabulations; and their anatomy.)
5 : Disorders associated
with confabulation (déjà-vu, paramnesia, Capgras,
anosognosia etc.)
6 : Normal false memory (even a crystal clear memory
may be wrong!)
7 : Mechanisms of
confabulation (so many theories, so little
controlled evidence.)
8 : Orbitofrontal reality
filtering (or: how the brain extracts reality
from a free flow of thoughts.)
9 : Perspectives (confabulation
research has to grow up!)
Constitutions as Expressions of National Memory
Constitutions are more than
documents that express the basic principles around which a
state or other social group is organized, and by which
conflicts within that group can be resolved. They can
also represent the collective memory of that group. Cass
Sunstein, a political scientist as the University of Chicago,
argues that the best constitutions are "counter-cultural", in
that they identify and fix the major problems facing the
emerging group. "The Americans were very alert to
this. The Bill of Rights is just partly a set of
recollections of what went wrong under the British"
("Constitutionally, a Risky Business" by Felicia R. Lee, New
York Times, 05/31/03). (To some extent, the
original perceptions of these wrongs is enshrined in another
document, the Declaration of Independence, with its list of
grievances against the King.) Sunstein went on to note
that constitutions have to achieve a balance between (in Lee's
words), "aspirations driven by recollections of oppression and
things that can be enforced by law".
In addition to the American
Bill of Rights, Lee offers other examples of constitutionally
enshrined national memory:
- "In South Africa one of
the legacies of apartheid was mass poverty, so one of the
important provisions of that constitution was the right to
shelter.... The South Africans also struggled to balance
majority prerogatives and minority rights. One of the
fiercest debates was over the right to be educated in the
language of one's choice...."
- "Many Eastern European
countries, emerging from Communism, included language about
freedom of contract and private property in their
constitutions."
- "Rwanda, which was torn
apart by genocidal attacks, ratified a multiparty democratic
constitutions that has clauses on limiting ethnic and regional
divisions and forbidding discrimination on the basis of
ethnicity."
The reference here, of course, is
to the 1994 neighbor-on-neighbor genocide of the Hutu majority
against the Tutsi minority (and Hutus who sympathized with the
Tutsis). Every year, Rwanda commemorates the episode in a week
of mourning, climaxing in a ceremony, at a large soccer
stadium, in which the modern history of Rwanda, from the
British colonialism through the genocide (and ineffectual
United Nations intervention) to its resolution in the defeat
of Hutu Power by Paul Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front.
Philip Gourevich, writing in the New Yorker, asks "Is
it really healing to keep reopening a wound? ("Remembering in
Rwanda", 04/21/2014).
A lot of Rwandans will tell you
that all through mourning week they are prone to bad and
bitter feelings. For those who were there in 1994,
during the genocide, memory can feel like an affliction, and
the greater imperative has often been to learn how to forget
enough for long enough to live in the present for the rest
of the year. And for those who were not yet born --
more than half the country today -- what does it mean to be
told to remember? Many Rwandan schools have yet to
teach the history of the genocide.... So there is
memory that we manage, and there is memory that manages
us. At the stadium, you had both, and, at times, two
decades of aftermath felt equal to the moment between two
heartbeats.
- S]ome drafters of the
Ukraine constitution... wanted a provision that would require
the press to be objective...."
Contested Memories
Informal observation
suggests that many marital disputes, and other disputes
between friends and lovers, and for that matter between
co-workers, and between faculty and students, are disputes
about memory -- individuals' recollections of who did, or
said, what, when.
At the societal level, many
intergroup disputes are also about memory -- but collective rather than individual memory -- each group
has its own collective representation of the past, a
subjective history that lies at the root of its identity and
serves as a field of engagement with other groups, who have
different representations of the same history.
There have been many such
battles. In the United States, perhaps the most
contested memories have been over slavery. The story is
told in detail by David Blight in Race and Reunion: The
Civil War in American Memory, and summarized by Eric
Foner in "The Civil War in 'Postracial' America" (The
Nation, 10/10/2011).
- In the late 19th century,
there were two competing understandings of the origins of the
war: an "emancipationist" narrative about slavery, and a
"reconciliationist" narrative that both sides fought for a
noble cause -- the Union, for the North, and States' Rights,
for the South. The "reconciliationist" narrative, in
which "brothers fought brothers", dominated when Northerners
and Southerners joined ranks to fight the Spanish-American
War.
- Early in the 20th
century, Charles and Mary Beard argued that the war was a
conflict between the industrial elites of the North and the
agricultural elites of the South, in which slavery per se
played hardly any role.
- In the aftermath of the
carnage of World War I ("the war to end all wars"), the view
emerged that the Civil War had been unnecessary, instigated --
like WW I -- by fanatics; and that the South would eventually
have given up slavery without a fight.
- After World War II, with
the outbreak of the Cold War, the fight against slavery was
cast as a fight against evil, not unlike the fights against
Nazism and Communism.
- In 1961, the US
commemorated (celebrated isn't quite the right word)
the centennial of the Civil War. As the Civil Rights
Movement was gaining momentum, there was a general consensus
that the conflict had been about slavery.
- In 2011, the
commemoration of the war's sesquicentennial was tinged by the
political power of the "TEA Party" movement, with its critique
of federalism, some southern states redefined the war as a
conflict over states' rights -- a return of the
reconciliationist narrative.
Of course, the Civil War was really fought over
slavery. The Confederacy broke away from the Union
precisely to protect the "peculiar institution", and the Union
would not have been threatened if slavery had not existed in
the South. Foner notes that when Ulysses S. Grant, the
general most responsible for winning the Civil War, toured
Europe after his retirement from the presidency, Otto von
Bismarck -- the founding chancellor of an only recently united
Germany, congratulated him on his success in preserving the
American union, Grant corrected him: he had fought "not only
to save the Union, but destroy slavery... a stain to the
Union".
But that's not necessarily how Americans
remember it. The historical past, like the personal
past, is filtered through belief, emotion, and motivation, so
that the remembered past may depart from the historical
record. And how people remember the past may be as important a
feature of group membership as any other.
Reviewing Jill Lapore's book, The Whites of Their Eyes:
The Tea Party's Revolution and the Battle Over American
History, Gordon Wood meditated on on the relation
between history and memory -- critical history
attempts to establish the facts of the matter, which may
well be different from how those facts are represented in
individual and collective memory ("No Thanks for the
Memories", New York Review of Books,
01/13/2011). Wood quoted from Bernard Bailyn's
comments on the new, quantitative history of the Atlantic
slave trade ("Considering the Slave Trade: History and
Memory", William & Mary Quarterly, 58(1),
245-252):
Critical history-writing is all head and no heart.
Scientific history-writing, Bailyn writes, is always
skeptical and problematic; it questions itself constantly
and keeps its distance from the past it is trying to
recover. By contrast, memory’s
relation to the past is
an embrace. It is not a critical, skeptical
reconstruction of what happened. It is the spontaneous,
unquestioned experience of the past. It is absolute, not
tentative or distant, and it is expressed in signs and
signals, symbols, images, and mnemonic clues of all
sorts. It shapes our awareness whether we know it or
not, and it is ultimately emotional, not intellectual.
Bailyn made these remarks about history and memory at the
conclusion of a 1998 conference on the Atlantic slave
trade that had threatened to break apart, as many black
scholars and others present emotionally reacted to the
presentation of the cold and statistically grounded
scholarly papers dealing with the slave trade. With his
distinction between history and memory, Bailyn calmed the
passions of the conference. He confirmed that the dataset
of the Du Bois Institute at Harvard laying out the
statistics of the slave trade over three centuries would
be "a permanent source for the future enrichment of our
critical, contextual understanding" of the Atlantic slave
trade. "But the memory of the slave trade," he said,
is not distant; it cannot
be reduced to an alien context; and it is not a
critical, rational reconstruction. It is for us, in this
society, a living and immediate, if vicarious,
experience. It is buried in our consciousness and shapes
our view of the world. Its sites, its symbols, its clues
lie all about us.
See also:
- A
Date Which Will Live: Pearl Harbor in American Memory
by Emily S. Rosenberg (Duke).
- History
After Apartheid: Visual Culture and Public Memory in a
Democratic South Africa by Annie E. Coombes (Duke).
Corridos
Corridos
are, simply, ballads, but they play an extremely
important role in Mexican and Mexican-American collective
memory. According to Guillermo E. Hernandez, "These
tales present the unofficial history of communities and
their heroes, celebrating courage and creativity in the face
of injustice, oppression, or danger" ("Ballads Without
Borders" by Donovan Webster, Smithsonian magazine,
06/02).
The
Smithsonian Institution has organized a traveling exhibition
on the corrido
tradition, Corridos sin Fronteras [Ballads
Without Borders]: A New World Ballad Tradition. Link to the exhibition page at the Smithsonian
Institution website. Link
to the exhibition website (requires Flash
plug-in).
Link to another page on corridos, with
translations, from the "Music of the Southwest" website at
the University of Arizona.
Country Joe
McDonald's Memories of Woodstock
It's
been said that if you remember Woodstock, the three-day
"Aquarian Festival of Music and Art" which drew roughly
400,000 people to Max Yasgur's farm in Bethel, New York,
in 1969, then you weren't there. (I wasn't there,
but I remember the lines of cars that weekend on Route
17 when I was driving home in upstate New York from a
visit to relatives in New York City.) Country Joe
McDonald, leader of The Fish, famous for his
"I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die" Rag, long claimed that,
due to the traffic jams, not to mention bad planning on
the organizers' parts, he sang on the opening day of the
festival, as the second act on stage -- not later, as he
was originally scheduled. But the release, on the
50th anniversary of Woodstock in August 2019, of a
38-disk boxed set of "nearly every moment of recorded
sound from the festival", shows clearly that he and his
band did not play until the second day. See
"Surviving Woodstock" by Hua Hsu, New Yorker
08-05-12/2019), from which the quote is taken. Hua
notes further that "Music is a great catalyst for memory
and nostalgia -- versions of the past that often flatter
in a way that history doesn't".
A nation's
collective memory is preserved in the currency and coins
issued by its government, and used every day by its
citizens. Stamps,
too, but that's another topic.
In 2004,
the Smithsonian Institution closed its Hall of Money and
Medals. Lamenting this turn of events, Paul Richard
wrote that "Five hundred years ago... humanist historians
were as jealously possessive of their medals and their coins
as they were of their libraries.... Coins were
accessible. And securely datable.... Compared
with ancient books, coins were reassuring. Books were
iffy, they might be full of fictions. But coins were
sold and substantial. They proved the past had
happened... ("Losing Change: The Smithsonian is taking the
Nation's Coin Collection Out of Circulation", Washington
Post National Weekly Edition,
06/14-20/04).
Read "Conversion to the Euro: A Loss of
Collective Memory?", an essay prepared on the occasion of
the conversion of 12 European currencies to a common
currency, the euro, on January 1, 2002.
Damnatio Memoriae
Literally, "condemnation of memory",
the practice of erasing the names and acts of people from
the historical record. The practice (though not,
apparently, the term itself) arose in the ancient world,
where it was sometimes applied to deceased kings by their
successors. In ancient Egypt, for example, the damnatio
memoriae was applied to the pharaohs
Hatshepsut (who ruled in her own name from the throne,
despite being a woman) and Akhenaten (often called the first
monotheist, because he overturned traditional polytheistic
Egyptian religion and mandated worship of Aten, the Sun God,
as the only god). For that matter, Tutankhamun
(familiarly known as King Tut) was also erased from the
record, even though he restored the worship of Amun and
other traditional godspossibly (hence his name) --
because he was Tut's son.
More recently, both the Soviet Union
and the People's Republic of China have gone to great
lengths to erase certain individuals from historical
documents (Stalin was particularly fond of
this). Of course, George Orwell's novel 1984
is all about damnatio memoriae: that's what the
Ministry of Truth did with the Memory Hole.
Of course, this never works. We
know all about Akhenaten, for example. In Moses
and Monotheism (1939), Freud famously argued that
Akhenaten was the first monotheist, and that Moses -- Moses!
-- had actually been one of his priests (just another thing
that Freud got wrong). Akhenaten's story is central to
Sinuhe the Egyptian, a fabulous historical novel by
Mika Waltari (1945) that was subsequently made into
The Egyptian (1954, directed by Michael Curtiz with
an all-star cast), my favorite sword-and-sandals movie of
all time. We know about his wife, Nefertiti, whose
bust is commonly said to represent the most beautiful woman
in the world; and King Tut's tomb was perhaps the most
famous archeological discovery of all time.
In the US, the move to tear down or
relocate statues honoring Civil War leaders of the
Confederacy, such as Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee,
has been criticized in some quarters as an attempt to
rewrite history. Nevertheless, we all know about Jefferson
Davis and Robert E. Lee, because they're written into our
history books; we just don't have to see their statues when
we walk down the street.
D-Day
and the Battle for Normandy
Everybody knows about D-Day, June 6, 1944, when American,
British, and other forces landed on the beaches of Normandy to
begin the process of liberating france and the rest of Europe
from German occupation, and bringing down the Nazi regime -- if
from nowhere else, from Band of Brothers, an excellent
work of popular history by Stephen Ambrose that followed the
soldiers of Easy Company, 506th Parachute Infantry
Regiment, 101st Airborne Division, as they trained for
the mission, parachuted into Normandy during the beach assault,
and fought through France and the Netherlands to Germany at the
war's end (not to mention the excellent TV miniseries based on
the book directed by Steven Spielberg and starring Tom
Hanks. What has not been widely acknowledged, even in
official histories of the War, is the damage wreaked on the
people, infrastructure, and countryside of Normandy by a program
of carpet bombing carried out by American and British air
forces, even wher there were no actual military targets.
It was one thing to do that to the Germans, as in Dresden.
It was quite another to do it to French allies.
That situation is now changing, as indicated by the publication
of a number of books on the subject, in French and English,
reviewed by two journalists, Ed Vulliamy and Pascal Vannier
("D-Day's Forgotten Victims Speak Out", New York Review of
Books, 06/20/24). They write:
This June 6 world leaders,
thousands of tourists, and some families of liberating troops
will gather for the eightieth anniversary of D-Day. It will be
either the last major commemoration attended by veterans of
the war or the first without any. But few will know the
darkest part of D-Day’s story: the slaughter of French
civilians by a British and American carpet-bombing campaign
considered by historians and even some of its commanders to
have been of little or no military purpose.
During the three months that followed D-Day, nearly 18,000
French civilians were killed by British and American
bombers—nearly two fifths of at least 51,380 killed by Allied
bombing during the war. That is low compared with the 420,000
Germans estimated to have been killed by Allied bombs, but
roughly equivalent to the 60,000 British civilians killed in
the Blitz. (The same number of Italian civilians were also
killed by Allied bombing, two thirds of them after the
armistice was signed in September 1943.)
Yet while the Blitz is a cult in British historical memory,
these French victims of Allied bombs were almost invisible for
five decades after D-Day and have occupied a marginalized
corner of the war’s history in the years since. They are
absent not only from official British and American accounts
but from French ones, too—it was considered ungrateful to
offend the liberators, and the Norman economy is significantly
reliant on D-Day tourism. Visitors come to hear about victory,
not a massacre of innocents by their own air forces.
One of the first books to recount the
Allied bombing was Julien Guillemard’s L’Enfer du Havre,
1940–1944 (The Hell of Le Havre, 1940–1944; 1948),
which concludes with a vivid account of the carpet-bombing of
Le Havre in September 1944, after the rest of Normandy, and
even Paris, had been liberated. Its final chapter is entitled
“La Ville Assassinée” (The Murdered City). “What are they
doing, these allies!” Guillemard fumes. In 1977 Eddy
Florentin, who also survived the bombing, published another
account, Le Havre 44: À feu et à sang (Le Havre 44:
Fire and Blood), the last line of which reads: “But what
liberation of Le Havre?”
Yet the bewildered anger in these books vanished from view
until the 1980s, when two initiatives converged. One was the
construction of the Caen Memorial, which opened in 1988. The
other came when survivors studying in a program for mature
students at the Inter-Age University at Caen wanted their
voices heard. The connection between the two was the historian
Jean Quellien, who was asked by the Caen Memorial and Caen
University to lead the Center for Quantitative Historical
Research on the university campus. Quellien and his team of
researchers counted and named the dead in five huge volumes
published between 1994 and 1997: 4,158 in Upper Normandy and
13,632 in Lower Normandy, a confirmed total of 17,790, plus
the missing, who went unnamed.
The bombing of French civilians accounted for a few pages of
. Beevor encountered hostility for suggesting that bombing
Caen was “very close to a war crime.” By then another British
historian, Andrew Knapp at the University of Reading, was
working specifically on the Allied bombing of France. He and
Claudia Baldoli wrote the first account in English of the
Allied bombing of France and Italy, Forgotten Blitzes:
France and Italy Under Allied Air Attack, 1940–1945
(2012), which Knapp followed up with a longer book in French,
Les Français sous les bombes alliées, 1940–1945 (France
Under the Allied Bombs, 1940–1945; 2014).
But apart from [Antony Beevor’s best seller D-Day: The
Battle for Normandy (2009)], these books did not reach
a wide readership; they are missing from bookshops in Normandy
and even from the Caen Memorial’s shop. Of Quellien’s many
volumes, only one—Les Civils dans la bataille de Normandie
(Civilians in the Battle of Normandy, 2014), written with
Françoise Passera—was available there when we visited,
alongside hundreds of other titles on Allied military victory,
plus D-Day souvenirs and merchandise.
French presidential silence on the bombing was baffling,
starting with that of Charles de Gaulle. “His memoirs give an
idea of how damaged France was, but none that the British and
Americans did it. To my knowledge, he never protested,” says
Knapp. “De Gaulle never came to the D-Day beaches or
commemorations,” says Stéphane Grimaldi, the director of the
Caen Memorial, “or paid tribute to his compatriots killed by
bombing.”
Finally, in 2014, at Grimaldi’s urging, President François
Hollande referred to civilian casualties in his speech
commemorating the seventieth anniversary of D-Day...
No American or British leader has ever made reference, let
alone paid homage, to the French dead on any public occasion.
***
Quellien’s Le Calvados dans la guerre, 1939–1945
(Calvados During the War, 1939–1945; 2019) calls the bombing
“the programmed destruction” of Norman communities: “The raids
launched from the morning of June 6 were imprecise, and had no
[military] impact.” The British bombed low by night, the
Americans from on high by day. In Le Havre 85 percent of
buildings were destroyed, in Saint-Lô 77 percent, in Lisieux
75 percent, in Caen 73 percent, and in Rouen 42 percent.
Destruction in many villages was even worse.
Quellien received us twice at his home in Feuguerolles-Bully,
near Caen. “The justification was military,” he
reflected.... However, Quellien said,
there was silence on the matter for forty years. We started
work during an atmosphere of taboo, even hostility. There
had been some immediate disbelief: “Why did you do this to
us?” People could not believe what had happened. But then
they did not talk about it openly, not even people who had
suffered. The atmosphere was: “What are you saying? It was
liberation, not bombardment.” The important thing was D-Day,
and that’s all that mattered. The Germans were gone, and if
you asked, “But who killed us?” no one would answer.
The hurt was always there, though, said Quellien. “In
private, Normans pointed a finger at the British and
Americans, but only within the home.” The silence, he said,
was partly due to “diplomatic difficulty” during the cold war:
“Do not offend our liberators, who are also our Atlantic
allies.” A difficulty arose between our true history and the
interests of our politicians and international allies. So
only much later did we do, shall we say, “the accounts,” and
when our work appeared, it was not well received.
***
Yet all this was buried history. “When
the D-Day industry began during the 1950s,” said Passera,
no one talked about people killed by the Allies, or the
lives of survivors…. The idea of D-Day commemoration was
pilgrimage: at first families and veterans came, rightly, to
visit their dead in the cemeteries. And after them came the
tourist business. The local population was thus obliged to
transfer its duty of memory to the fallen British and
Americans, and thereby to the British and American people….
The survivors had a different history—a victim history that
was not glorious, and that challenged the economic
opportunities of victory…. Resentment built up. It became a
conversation around the kitchen table. Until the early
1980s, when retired students at the Inter-Age University
said: “Enough—we want the dead counted, and our story told.”
***
Stéphane Grimaldi became director of the
Caen Memorial in 2005. “We conducted a major survey,” he said,
and found that one in three respondents had someone in
their extended family who had been killed or wounded by
bombing. For the vast majority, the Battle of Normandy was
“extremely important”—this is our history.
But, he cautioned,
it’s a question of how we structure memory of the battle.
Official memory on one level, and domestic memory on
another; public heroic memory versus victim memory behind
closed curtains. Heroic memory became official memory; there
were only heroes, and the full story was considered
embarrassing because it was a tragic history, not a heroic
one. But there comes a point when society has to question
itself and people want to understand what really happened.
Two things occurred: First came an effort to secure official
public mention, at least, of civilian victims. In 2014
Grimaldi was at the beachhead site of Arromanches, planning
the seventieth-anniversary commemorations with the historian
Jean-Pierre Azéma and advising President Hollande, to whom he
said, “There’s no public acknowledgment of what happened to
the civilians.” Grimaldi recalled that “Hollande reacted, and
paid tribute to civilian victims in his speech. I hoped that
this would begin to change the perception.” Second, also on
Grimaldi’s initiative, was the opening in 2016 of a museum and
memorial to civilian victims in the Norman town of Falaise.
“But when I initially raised this,” Grimaldi said, “I was
called a revisionist!—yes, the same word used for deniers of
the Holocaust—by officials from the state and region.”
***
Normandy is the most pro-American and Anglophile corner of
Europe. US and British flags fly everywhere, and cafés in
Bayeux have window paintings of British Tommies offering
afternoon tea. “Some seven million people, mostly
English-speaking, visit D-Day sites each year,” said Grimaldi.
It’s essential to the regional economy. So you construct a
memory that ignores the rest, a heroic story that saturates
the public space for tourists to celebrate: thank you
England and America, with some mention of Canadians, but
almost none of the Poles, and others.
Thiébot uses the term “memory tourism”:
But like the commemorations, it is limited to D-Day, not
the Battle of Normandy—a circuit of emblematic locations to
do with landings and liberation, recounted as a successful
military operation with extraordinary logistics, and
sacrifice by men in uniform. Nothing to do with the civilian
cost, no mention of bombing. Everyone knows, but don’t
mention it in front of the tourists!
***
On the beachfront at Saint-Aubin-sur-Mer is a memorial to
Canadian soldiers who died landing there and a panel with a
picture of three young ladies, one of whom is Paulette Mériel,
reportedly the first Norman to shake hands with a liberating
soldier: a French-speaking Canadian from the North Shore
Regiment. Mériel died on May 18, three months after we
interviewed her, aged one hundred, at a care home in nearby
Douvres-la-Déliverande.
After a gripping account of the occupation, with gossip about
collaborators and black marketers and Germans threatening to
shoot her for shrimping, Mériel’s recollections reached D-Day:
We were young—we had heads full of fog, more curious than
afraid—but we knew something special was happening. My
grandmother was terrified—she thought the Canadians were
going to shoot her! But our house was by the beach: we went
down and met them, and they spoke to us in our language!
Then the bombs fell:
On the first day, our house was completely
destroyed—luckily no one was there. A mix of sounds: planes,
bombs, artillery. We hid in the dike, then the cellars—a
dozen of us. We ventured out by night: the houses around us
all destroyed. It was misery, but we got accustomed to it,
sleeping on mattresses—and the Germans were gone at last.
Mériel’s family was not so lucky:
My sister had a farm, and her husband and his brother were
killed by the bombing just after D-Day. We were happy to be
liberated, but what followed was not so happy. I’m not timid
on the matter: they liberated us, but we didn’t expect to
have to pay that price.
“The Normans,” she reflected, "lived many
different D-Days. Different experiences in different places.
There was a D-Day of liberation, and then there was the D-Day
of losing our homes, and all those thousands of our people."
See also Aging, Menopause.
In regions
such as Arizona and New Mexico, where there is a strong
presence of Mexican and Mexican-American culture, it is
common to see wooden crosses, known as descansos
(Spanish for "resting place"), along the roadside (you can
also find them in California and even Wisconsin).
These crosses, typically white and adorned with artificial
flowers, typically mark the location of a road accident in
which someone died. The descanso is an invitation
for passersby to stop, reflect on the transitory nature of
human existence, and pray for the soul of the person who
died on that spot. For the family and friends of the
victim, the roadside cross is a place of remembrance,
enabling the living to continue a relation to the dead.
An exhibit
of photographs of descansos in Arizona by Gordon Simmons, Roadside
Crosses: Crossroads of Two Worlds,
was presented in the gallery of Tohono Chul Park, in Tucson,
Arizona, 04/05-00 - 05/29/00. In the brochure
accompanying the exhibit, Simmons wrote "these crosses mark
the spot where someone has died, often a sudden and violent
death, at a time and place not of their own choosing".
James S. Griffith, a folklorist at the University of
Arizona, notes that descansos serve as a "signal for passersby that at
this spot a soul suddenly left its body without the benefit
of the last rites of the Roman Catholic Church".
The
tradition of roadside crosses is discussed by Griffith in
his Beliefs and Holy Places: A Spiritual
Geography of the Pimeria Alta
(University of Arizona Press, 1992). The quote in the
paragraph above is from that book, p. 100). Although descansos are typically erected by family and friends
of the deceased, Griffith notes that, for many years,
roadside crosses were actually erected by the Arizona
Highway Department to mark the sites of fatal
accidents. See also Griffith's Southern
Arizona Folk Arts (University of
Arizona Press, 1988), where he also discusses the related
tradition of nichos
(niches), memorials made from cement, bricks, or
stones.
For
further information, see Roadside Crosses in
Contemporary Memorial Culture by Holly Everett
(Texas A&M University Press, 2002). |
Link to a video program on the roadside crosses of
Sonora and other regions of Mexico by
James S. ("Big Jim") Griffith of the
University of Arizona (requires Real Player).
Link to photographs of roadside memorials by Don
Baccus.
Link to the
Roadside Crosses of New Mexico Oral History Project,
1992-1996 at the University of New Mexico. "This
oral-history collection documents the reflections and meanings
given to roadside crosses, or "descansos" in New
Mexico. the interviews within the collection give an
abundance of information on traditions, customs, and beliefs
in regards to the death of a loved one" (from the UNM
Collection Summary abstract).
Link to Reverence of the Descanso, with
photographs, by Anna Marie Panlilio.
Link to photographs of roadside memorials by Jerry
Whiting, who notes that the creation of descansos and other roadside memorials is encouraged by
Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD).
See also Ofrendas, R.I.P.
Shirts.
Diary and Diaries
Autobiographies,
like biographies, ought to be faithful, and even based on, the
historical documentary record. Memoirs, by contrast, can
contain historical errors, because memory is fallible; but, at
least, memoirs should be faithful to the author's memory --
which is why such a fuss occurs when memoirs prove to have
been fabricated. Often, when we ask questions about the
accuracy of autobiographical memory, we can resort to the
individual's diary or journal for an "online" record of what
happened on a particular day.
But, of
course, that assumes that the diary is accurate as well.
And there are reasons to think that diaries, too, can distort
the historical record -- even though they're nominally
intended to be an accurate record of the writer's thoughts,
feelings, and actions. This is clear in The
Diary: Three Centuries of Private Lives, an exhibit of diaries at the Morgan Library
and Museum, in New York City, curated by Christine
Nelson. The exhibit presented a number of examples, from
the Confessions of St.
Augustine and Rousseau to the diary of John Newton, the
English slave trader whose conversion to abolitionism inspired
him to write the hymn "Amazing Grace" (he also wrote "Glorious
things of Thee Are Spoken"), to notes scribbled on a memo pad
by a police officer at Ground Zero on 9/11 -- with lots of
authors and historical figures in between. Reviewing the
exhibit, Edward Rothstein noted that "Our own era, of course,
has turned spontaneous journalizing into something of a
fetish...", but that "the contemporary mix of self-invention,
self-promotion and self-revelation is probably not that
different from what is on display here". At the same
time, "many diaries on display are almost painful in their
confrontations with the recalcitrant reality of their authors'
lives and characters.". He characterizes the diary not
as an on-the-spot record of what happened, but rather as a
written representation of "the well-shaped self" ("Tales of
Lives Richly Lived, But True?", New York Times, 01/22/2011).
See also
Facebook, Tweets, Weblogs (blogs).
In
Meso-American culture, the period from October 31 (Halloween)
through November 1 (All Saints Day) to November 2 (All
Souls Day, or Dia de los
Muertos, the Day of the Dead) is marked by a
uniquely colorful religious festival that celebrates the cycle
of life by simultaneously honoring ancestors (by redecorating
grave sites in cemeteries) and mocking death (with toy
skeletons and candy skulls). The Day of the Dead has its
origins in the ancient civilizations that preceded the Spanish
Conquest and the arrival of Christianity. The families of the
deceased often construct ofrendas, or offerings, in
their homes or the cemetery. Typically decorated with
artificial flowers, they also contain photographs of the
departed loved one, personal items, and holiday foods (such as
pan de muerto, or Day of the Dead bread). Like
the memory
tables offered by North American funeral parlors, they
are opportunities to reminisce about the departed
person.
Link
to a page on the Day of the Dead.
Link to a
website selling books and videos concerning the Day of the
Dead.
Each year
the Oakland Museum of California hosts a celebration of the
Day of the Dead, featuring a wide variety of ofrendas and other installations honoring the dead,
both Mesoamerican and worldwide. Information: www.museumca.org.
An April
2008 press release from IBM predicted that "Forgetting will
become a distant memory" with the development of "smart
appliances" equipped with microphones, digital cameras, and
large-capacity storage devices to record, store, and retrieve
"all the details of everyday life". This would seem to
be one step toward the "great singularity" between man and
machine predicted by Raymond Kurzweil (2005). Maybe,
with the increasing capacity of "smartphones", we've taken a
step toward that step, raising the question of whether the day
will come that we will have no need of memory at all --
because all of our experiences, thoughts, and actions will be
available digitally.
Carina
Chocano writes about the problems of digitization as a
substitute for memory in "The Essence of Being Human is
Not Remembering but Forgetting" (New York Times Magazine,
01/29/2012).
This is
the dilemma of being a cyborg: It’s not just that everything
we once committed to memory we now store externally on
devices that crash or become obsolete or are rendered
temporarily inaccessible due to lack of coverage. And it’s
not that we spend a lot of time storing, organizing, pruning
and maintaining our access to it all. It’s that we’re
collectively engaged in a mass conversion of what we used to
call, variously, records, accounts, entries, archives,
registers, collections, keepsakes, catalogs, testimonies and
memories into, simply, data.
*****
For
everything that’s gained by our ability to store and
maintain more information than ever before, something is
lost that has to do with texture, context and association.
The science journalist Joshua Foer, author of "Moonwalking
With Einstein: The Art and Science of Remembering
Everything," said in a lecture to the Royal Society of
Arts that people once "invested in their memories, they
cultivated them. They studiously furnished their minds. They
remembered. Today, of course, we’ve got books and computers
and smartphones to hold our memories for us. We’ve
outsourced our memories to external devices. The result is
that we no longer trust our memories. We see every small,
forgotten thing as evidence that they’re failing us
altogether." As we store more and more of what makes us us
outside of ourselves, he said, "we’ve forgotten how to
remember."
When
asked by his interviewer if memory isn’t also a form of
baggage, a conduit for suffering or a handicap, Foer
responded with two stories. The first is about a man who
lost his memory and his ability to form new memories, which
made him less human in a way, because "to be a person you
have to exist in the dimension of time." The second story is
about a man who could remember everything but had no way of
filtering the information. Foer likened this man to a
character in a Borges story that concluded that the "essence
of being human is not remembering but forgetting."
See
also Aide-Memoire, Library
Digitization as a Threat to Collective Memory.
Ethics of Memory
Memory Boosting, Memory Suppression
The President's Council on Bioethics, charged with making
recommendations on such matters as reproductive cloning and
stem-cell research, has also considered ethical implications of
the pharmaceutical revolution as it relates to memory: Should we
develop drugs that would enhance memory in normal
individuals? Should we develop drugs that can eliminate
unwanted memories, such as trauma? Link
to papers and transcripts from the Council's 2002 and 2003
sessions on memory:
Eyewitness Memory
Eyewitness
testimony, based on eyewitness memory, has long been a problem
both for applied psychologists, law-enforcement officers,
officers of the court, judges, and juries. The large
literature of laboratory and field studies on eyewitness
memory is summarized in two landmark volumes:
The Handbook of Eyewitness
Psychology. Vol.
I: Memory for Events, ed. by M.P. Toglia, J.D.
Read, D.F. Ross, & R.C. L. Lindsay. Erlbaum,
2006.
The Handbook of Eyewitness
Psychology: Vol. II:
Memory for People ed. by R.C. L. Lindsay, D.F. Ross,
J.D. Read, & M.P. Toglia. Erlbaum, 2006.
Facebook (and MySpace)
See also Diary, Tweets,
Weblogs.
False Memories
Some widely shared memories
that are, objectively, false.
- Many people remember seeing television
film footage of the first airplane striking the World Trade
Center, when in fact no such footage exists. Of course,
many people saw many repetitions of the second plane
crash, which may have contributed to the memory.
- Many people remember that Julia Child
(1912-2004), the author of Mastering the Art of French
Cooking and host of many television cooking shows on
PBS (including The French Chef), once dropped a
chicken she was cooking on the kitchen floor, dusted it
off, and continued the preparation, saying "Remember, you
are alone in the kitchen, and no one can see you" (the
story was retold in her obituary in The Economist,
08/28/04). In fact, it was a potato pancake, and it
fell onto the work table rather than the floor ("Julia
Child, the French Chef for a Jell-O Nation, Dies at 91" by
Regina Schrambling, New York Times, 08/14/04;
Child also told the correct story in an interview with
Terry Gross on the NPR radio program Fresh Air).
Of course, it could have been a chicken; doubtless
Child would have done exactly the same thing. And
it's funnier if it's a chicken.
Fear of
Forgetting
Alzheimer's
disease (AD) is a dementing illness, but it hits memory
first. In an Op-Ed piece published in the New York
Times (05/23/2011), Margaret Morganroth Gulette,
argued that our fear of memory loss, which brings some
individuals who receive a diagnosis of AD (or who diagnose
the symptoms in themselves) to talk of suicide, borders on
the irrational. Partly, she argues, our fear of AD
leads us (and physicians, and pharmaceutical companies) to
magnify the seriousness of the small incidents of forgetting
that naturally accompany normal aging. She also argues
that the horror of memory loss, itself, has been greatly
exaggerated, and endorses the slogan (which she borrows from
Anne Basting): 'Forget memory. Try
imagination.".
People
with cognitive impairments can live happily with their
families for a log time. My mother was troubled by
her loss of memories, but she discovered an upside to
forgetting. She had forgotten old rancors....
The mind is capacious. Much mental and emotional
ability can survive mere memory loss, as do other
qualities that make us human.
Flashbulb Memories
The events of September 11 renewed interest
in the phenomenon of flashbulb memories. In a classic paper,
Brown and Kulik (1977) defined the flashbulb memory as an
vividly detailed memory of the circumstances under which one
first learned of a surprising, consequential, emotionally
involving event. People of a particular age often have
flashbulb memories of the assassination of John F. Kennedy,
or of Martin Luther King, or of Robert F. Kennedy. Other
flashbulb memories that have been studied include the
Challenger Disaster of 1986 and the Loma Prieta earthquake
of 1989. And there have been several studies in progress of
flashbulb memories for the World Trade Center attacks.
Formal Research on
flashbulb memories began with that classic 1977 paper by
Brown and Kulik, but was anticipated, in a sense, by an
unpublished study -- or, better put, the beginnings
of an unpublished study) by Leon Kassman, then a graduate
student at NYU. When President Kennedy was shot,
Kassman distributed 950 copies of a questionnaire, which he
distributed to NYU students as well as individuals selected
at random from the New York City and Dallas telephone
booths. Among other questions, the instrument asked
people to describe where they were, who they were with, what
they did, and how they felt when they heard that the
President had been shot. Kass man collected about 300
returned questionnaires, and lost most of these, but about
100 have been preserved. It would be interesting to
know what the respondents' memories of the event are like
now. For an account of Kassman's archive, see "Time
Stopped" by Ian Parker, New Yorker,
11/24/2013.
It was not until the
Challenger Disaster of 1986 that investigators thought to
collect information about significant events "online", as it
were, to be compared with people's subsequent
memories. The general result of these studies is that
flashbulb memories are not necessarily accurate
representations of what actually happened at the time.
But that fact does not necessarily diminish their flashbulb
quality.
Click here for a study of people's flashbulb
memories for the Challenger Disaster of 1986.
In a survey released on September 5, 2002, the Pew
Research Center for the People and the Press reported that
97% of Americans "can remember exactly where they were or
what they were doing the moment they heard about the
attacks" -- thus fulfilling the primary criterion of a
flashbulb memory. Perhaps just as important, 38% of
those surveyed cited the 9/11 attacks as "the biggest life
event of the past year". Such events are typically
idiosyncratic life changes such as births, deaths,
marriages, or divorces, health problems, or events having to
do with work or school. The fact that so many people
cited 9/11 as an event in their personal lives is consistent with Ulric Neisser's
suggestion that flashbulb memories are benchmarks where personal and public histories
intersect.
Garrett Graff has collected
people's memories of September 11 in the Only Plane in the
Sky (2019), an oral history of that day. Graff notes
that Fall 2019 marked "the entrance of the first college class
born after the attacks" -- representing a generation that
"barely remembers the day itself". Reviewing the book in
the Wall Street Journal, Tunku Varadarajan notes that
Graff's purpose is to offer a new generation of ("Out of the
Blue", 09/07/2019) is "to offer these young, unscarred Americans
a book that will teach them about what happened on 9/11" --
"poignant, often distressing, vignettes and impressions of the
day and its aftermath".
While Graff focuses on individuals' memories, Mitchell Zuckhoff
has put together a single narrative which might count as a
collective memory of 9/11 in Fall and Rise: The Story of 9/11,
also reviewed by Varadarajan.
We often think of
flashbulb memories as memories for momentous public events,
but a little introspection reveals that we also have
flashbulb memories for private, personal events. The
November 2006 issue of the AARP Magazine (yes, I'm a member!) listed "Five Dates to
Remember" (p. 87), broken down into three categories,
including personal landmark moments, some of which have real
potential for flashbulb memories.
Historical
Dates |
You'll
think of this... |
But
this is the one that counts... |
Battle of
Hastings, 1066 |
Your first
kiss |
The day
you knew you'd met the most important person in your
life. |
Spanish
Armada, 1588 |
Your first
presidential scandal |
The day
you realized you helped put the guy into office. |
Declaration
of Independence, 1776 |
Your
favorite old-time TV show |
The day it
was interrupted by a world-changing event. |
? |
Your
biggest regret |
The day
you learned to forgive yourself for it. |
? |
Your first
broken bone |
The first
time you realized you weren't immortal after all. |
Genealogy
A genealogy,
of family tree tracing one's ancestors and other relatives, is
a representation of a family's history and heritage. As
such, it comprises part of the collective memory of a
family. Genealogical information is often collected in
interviews, and thus relies on the memories of family members;
but sharing a genealogy with others can also be a stimulus for
the recollection events within a family, and the sharing of
these memories deepens the collective memory of the family
still further.
The National
Genealogical Society has published a number of guidebooks for
developing genealogies and other kinds of family histories
(published by Rutledge Hill Press, a division of Thomas
Nelson):
- Genealogy 101:
How to Trace Your Family's History and Heritage, by
Barbara Renick 2003).
- A Family Affair
(a guide to collecting memories at family reunions), by
Sandra MacLean Clunies (2003).
Ghost Brands
Ghost brands, also known as
dead brands, orphan brands, or zombie brands, are brand names
that have disappeared from market shelves -- like Brim coffee
or Eagles snacks. But those same brands have not always
disappeared from memory (a large portion of survey respondents
remembered the slogan, "Fill it to the rim -- with
Brim!". A recent article in the New York Times
Magazine ("Can a Dead Brand Live Again?" by Rob Walker,
05/18/08)discussed a Chicago firm, River West, which is
capitalizing on "brand memory" to revive certain brands in the
marketplace. Thus, Brim might become the brand name of a
new coffee, giving the new product an instant boost in
name-recognition -- and, thus, of sales as well.
The Great War and the Greatest Generation
In 1975, Paul Fussell
published The Great War and Modern Memory, a book
which precipitated a renaissance in historical and literary
interest in World War II (reviewed by Karl Miller in the New
York Review of Books, 10/16/1975; 25th anniversary
edition reviewed by Leonard V. Smith in History &
Theory, 2001). Before, Fussell, WWI was regarded
mostly as an unfortunate prelude to World War II.
In his book, Fussell shows how the popular memory of WWI was
shaped by the literature that came out of it -- for example,
the war poetry of Siegfried Sassoon and Wilfred Owen -- an
example of the formation of collective memory.
In a later book, Wartime:
Understanding and Behavior in the Second World War
(1989), Fussell argued that it was time for WWII (in which
he himself fought) to be demythologized. And so it
came to pass, in the hands of Elizabeth D. Samet, a
historian at the United States Military Academy at West
Point, no less, in Looking for the Good War: American
Amnesia and the Violent Pursuit of Happiness
(2021). Samet argues that the war was romanticized and
mythologized by authors such as Steven Ambrose (in Citizen
Soldiers, Band of Brothers, and other books),
Tom Brokaw (in The Greatest Generation), and Steven
Spielberg (in the movie based on Band of
Brothers, starring Tom Hanks): especially for those of
us who did not live through it, these books and films shaped
our collective memory of the war. Carlos Lozada,
reviewing Samet's book in the New Yorker ("The Good
Fight", 11/29/2021), calls it "a cultural and literary
counterpoint to the Ambrose-Brokaw-Spielberg industrial
complex of Second World War remembrance, and something of a
meditation on memory itself".
For the record, Samet
identifies several elements of the mythology surrounding
WWII: (1) the US entry into the war was motivated by a
desire to rid the world of Fascist tyranny; (2) Americans
were united in their commitment to the war; (3) everyone
made sacrifices in the war effort; (4) the US was reluctant
to go to war but, once in the fight, waged the war decently;
(5) that the war was a tragic event with a good
outcome. In fact, Samet draws on sociological studies
(such as Stouffer's The American Soldier) and oral
histories (such as Studs Terkel's "The Good War",
with scare quotes part of the title) that the typical
American soldier was non-ideological in his motivation, and
fought mostly for his own survival and to get the war over
with as soon as possible. Samet notes that the
collective memory of WWII colored attitudes toward "postwar"
military conflicts, especially a complacent and
overconfident "disease of victory" (a term coined by Neil
Sheehan in A Bright Shining Lie: John Paul Vann and
America in Vietnam, one of the best histories of the
Vietnam War). Paradoxically, Samet notes, the
collective memory of the "good" WWII was bolstered by the
collective impression of Vietnam as a "bad war", and was
subsequently used to justify America's 21st-century wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq. She wonders if, with time, these
"bad" wars, too, will be reshaped in memory as "good" ones
instead.
The
Heard Past
Some things that happen to us, we
remember. Other things, we only know about, because we
heard about them from others. Eren Orbey writes about
the difference in an article about his father's murder
("Point Blank", New Yorker, 11/27/2023).
One night in August of 1999, on a
summer trip back to Ankara, our dad was murdered. G
[Orbey's sister] was twelve and I was three. We were both
there when it happened, along with our mom, but I was too
young to remember.
The Turkish language has a dedicated tense,
sometimes called the “heard past,” for events that one has been
told about but hasn’t witnessed. It’s formed with the suffix “‑miş,”
whose pronunciation rhymes—aptly, I’ve always thought—with the
English syllable “-ish.” The heard past turns up in gossip and
folklore, and, as the novelist Orhan Pamuk has written, it’s the
tense that Turks use to evoke life’s earliest experiences—“our
cradles, our baby carriages, our first steps, all as reported by
our parents.” Revisiting these moments can elicit what he calls
“a sensation as sweet as seeing ourselves in our dreams.” For
me, though, the heard past made literal the distance between my
family’s tragedy and my ignorance of it. My dad’s murder was as
fundamental and as unknowable as my own birth. My grief had the
clumsy fit of a hand-me-down.
As far as I can recall, no one in the family
explained his death to me. My mom considered my obliviousness a
blessing. “He’s a normal boy,” she’d tell people. From a young
age, I tried to assemble the story bit by bit, scrounging for
information and writing it down. But G always seemed protective
of her recollections from that night and skeptical of my
self-appointed role as family scribe. She, too, had written
about our dad over the years, and she’d point to the chick story
as an early sign of my tendency to cannibalize her experiences.
We’d quibble over the specifics—had my writing filched details
from hers?—but to me it was an epistemological problem. I wanted
what she had, which was firsthand access to the defining tragedy
of our lives.
***
Someone had given my mom a copy of “The Post-Traumatic Stress
Disorder Sourcebook,” which, she explained doubtfully, was
supposed to help her turn back into the person she’d been before
my dad’s death. I’d seen this person in old photos, a long-haired
woman sipping Coke from glass bottles by the Aegean Sea, but she
was unfamiliar to me. I remember thinking that I hadn’t been much
of anyone before my dad’s death. There was no self to recover, no
past to reclaim. My first and only memories of him overlapped with
everyone else’s last.
***
In the documentary “Tell Me Who I Am,” from 2019, middle-aged
British twins named Alex and Marcus Lewis consider the rift that
developed between them after Alex lost his memory in a motorcycle
accident at the age of eighteen. For years, as he worked to fill
in the “black empty space” of his youth, his brother hid the
horrific abuse that they’d both endured as children. The film
recounts Alex’s efforts to extract the truth from Marcus, who
fears that any disclosures would be unbearable for them both.
“We’re linked together,” Alex explains. “Yet we have this
unbelievable separation of silence.”
***
G encouraged me to send her my writing, but she bristled at my
attempts to narrate our dad’s death. Sometimes her recollections
contradicted our mom’s. I’d never rushed to the phone and
answered, “Daddy?,” she said. When I imagined our mom “clutching
her dying husband,” G told me, “You’re lying about Dad. That’s not
how it happened.” I once tried writing a passage from his point of
view; G said she found it exploitative. “I so liked the rest of
your piece, told from your perspective, since that is genuine and
truly your story to tell,” she added. Other details made her feel
“mildly plagiarized.”
I felt caught in a peculiar quandary. If I
repeated details that G had already written down, was I relying
on a primary source or appropriating what my peers in
creative-writing workshops would call her “lived experience”?
The tautology maddened me. I had lived the experience, too, yet
I felt like either a mimic, reciting my family’s recollections,
or a fabulist, mistaking my imagination for fact. My ignorance
isolated me from G and our mom. I had a sense that I was
hammering on a bolted door, begging them to admit me to an awful
place. And why would I want to get in? Well, because they were
there.
***
G encouraged me to send her my writing, but she bristled at my
attempts to narrate our dad’s death. Sometimes her recollections
contradicted our mom’s. I’d never rushed to the phone and
answered, “Daddy?,” she said. When I imagined our mom “clutching
her dying husband,” G told me, “You’re lying about Dad. That’s
not how it happened.” I once tried writing a passage from his
point of view; G said she found it exploitative. “I so liked the
rest of your piece, told from your perspective, since that is
genuine and truly your story to tell,” she added. Other details
made her feel “mildly plagiarized.”
I felt caught in a peculiar quandary. If I
repeated details that G had already written down, was I relying
on a primary source or appropriating what my peers in
creative-writing workshops would call her “lived experience”?
The tautology maddened me. I had lived the experience, too, yet
I felt like either a mimic, reciting my family’s recollections,
or a fabulist, mistaking my imagination for fact. My ignorance
isolated me from G and our mom. I had a sense that I was
hammering on a bolted door, begging them to admit me to an awful
place. And why would I want to get in? Well, because they were
there.
***
When I told G that I was working on this piece,
she surprised me by saying that she sometimes feels I’ve written
her out of the story. She mentioned that I’d once described
hiding from the killer in the closet, as though I were alone. “I
pulled you into the closet,” she said. “To save your
life.” For a moment, we seemed to narrow the distance between
us.
“Mom always told me not to talk to you about
it, because you didn’t remember,” she said.
“Mom always told me not to talk to you
about it,” I replied. “Because you did.”
***
An odd custom of Turkish law enforcement
involves bringing a suspect to the scene of the crime for a
reënactment. One newspaper clipping shows V standing on the
balcony railing, bracing himself against the side of the
building to demonstrate how he’d reached the open window. He is
average-looking, with silvery hair and the tanned complexion of
many Turks, wearing scuffed shoes and a baggy suit. I have
examined his face many times, trying to see him through my
family’s eyes. G had advised me that if I managed to meet him he
might become violent. “He should rot,” our mom said. He was a
thief, a criminal, a killer. Even the newspaper called him “oldukça
soğukkanlı”—“rather cold-blooded.” I know the Turkish
words now, and at least as much about the murder as my mom and
my sister do. Yet I still cannot feel much of what they feel.
What I see when I look at him is someone else’s father.
History & Memory (Journal)
This academic journal,
published twice a year, focuses on images of the past in
collective memory and written history, with a special interest
on representations of the Nazi era and the Holocaust, and
their effects on contemporary imagination.
Link to the H&M homepage.
Tony Judt's history of
post-war Europe, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945
(2005), contains an epilogue on "memory", and includes a
Soviet-era joke about a call-in program on "Armenian Radio"
(quoted by Anthony Gottlieb in "Picking Up the Pieces", New
York Times Book Review, 10/16/05):
"Is it possible, an eager
caller asks, to foretell the future? "Yes", comes the weary
answer. "No problem. We know exactly what the future
will be. Our problem is with the past: that keeps
changing."
The themes of remembering,
amnesia, reconstruction, and recovered memory, which lend such
drama (not to mention controversy) to individual memoirs, also
find themselves expressed at the social level, in various
aspects of national memory.
See also The Politics of
Memory in Postwar Europe ed. by R.N. Lebow, W.
Kansteiner, & C. Fogu. Duke university Press, 2006.
Collective memory can unite a society, but
it can also fragment it. In In Praise of
Forgetting: Historical Memory and Its Ironies
(2017), David Rieff argues that, as in Bosnia, collective
memory can foster hatred, and that memorials and monuments
to the past are not necessarily good things.
The French historian Ernest Renan once
remarked that "The essence of a nation is that all of its
individuals have many things in common, and also that
everyone has forgotten many things". Quoting this
line, Lewis Hyde author of A Primer of Forgetting:
Getting Past the Past (2019), asks:
What must citizens forget before a
nation becomes a nation? Ethnic differences, for
one thing: "No French citizen knows whether he is a
Burgund, an Alain, a Taifala, or a Visigoth," Renan
said. Ancient differences as to sect or creed must
be left in the past. "Every French citizen has
forgotten," Renan claims, "that in the 13th century the
pope's armies nearly wiped out the Cathars, a rival
Christian sect, and that on St. Bartholomew's Day in the
16th century, Catholic mobs slaughtered thousands of
Calvinist Protestants". Happily, by Renan's day,
such old conflicts had fallen into time immemorial, and
in so doing freed France to become France.
Hyde goes on to discuss
various failures of forgetting, beginning with the breakup of
the former Yugoslavia, where Bosnian Muslims, Catholic Croats,
and Orthodox Serbs had not quite forgotten their religious and
ethnic pasts. He also suggests that the controversy over
Confederate war memorials has some of the same character: a
failure of forgetting that prevents the United States from
becoming a nation (see Hyde's Op-Ed piece, "How Nationalism
Can Destroy a Nation", New York Times, 08/22/2019).
Japan and World War II
Even 50 years later, Japan
continues to be criticized, especially by China, Korea, and
other Asian countries, for its continuing attempt to whitewash
its militaristic, imperialistic past, including war crimes in
World War II. In 2005, for example, the Japanese
Education Ministry approved a new series of textbooks that
remove "self-deprecating" discussions of Japan's past, and
present Japan's activities in World War II benignly as an
effort to save all of Asia from Western domination.
Germans as Victims in World
War II
Similarly, the movement
among Jews and others to remember the Nazi Holocaust has found
a parallel, among Germans of the post-war generations, to
remember the suffering and losses that Germans themselves
suffered during World War II. A case in point is On
the Natural History of Destruction by W.G. Sebald, which
was originally published in Germany (1999) as The Air War
and Literature. In his book, Sebald (who was born
in 1944) asks why such experiences as the firebombing of
Dresden and other German cities is not more fully represented
in post-war German literature. Mark Anderson writes of
this newly emerging literature of national memory ("Crime and
Punishment", The Nation, 10/17/05):
[F]or much of the postwar
period... Germans grumbled mightily among themselves, but
any public airing of their grievances was subject to severe
constraints and cold war manipulation. And when the
German children born during or shortly after the war came of
age in the heady years of the late 1960s, they demanded that
Germany view the war through the lens of non-German victims,
not that of its own losses. German victimhood became
politically incorrect.
But the dead return;
unacknowledged suffering claims its due. That seems to be
the lesson of the German war memories that have washed over
the new Berlin Republic in the past few years....
Interestingly, most of these reflections do not come from
conservatives... but from former New Leftists who reshaped
the politics of German memory in the late 1960s and early
'70s and adamantly opposed... attempts... to compare
Hitler's crimes to Stalin's purges and other instances of
mass slaughter.
This reversal in the
politics of German memory has alarmed many observers, who
worry that Germany's current fascination with its own
victimhood signals a desire to let the specificity of Nazi
crimes fade into a historical continuum of other war
crimes. In fact, the recent interest in German
suffering represents an extension of Holocaust memory, not
its demise.... Precisely because German recognition of
the Holocaust is no longer in doubt, a new generation of
Germans has come to understand the war in less ideological,
less Manichean terms.
Of Sebald's book, Anderson
writes:
On the one hand he
denounces the Germans for repressing the memory of their own
suffering, while on the other he insists on the traumatized
victims' "inviolable right" to remain silent.
Writing of another book in
this genre, Uwe Timm's In My Brother's Shadow: A
Life and Death in the SS, Anderson
explicitly turns to the metaphor of recovered memory:
These are the tactile
memories of childhood, more Kafkaesque than Proustian, that
lie beneath the generational conflict that has etched itself
so forcefully into postwar German history. It has
taken a long time for the "good Germans" of 1968 to recover
them, and to acknowledge the depth of their own familial
connection to the horrors of the war. The fact that
German memory is now focused on the dead of Dresden and
Hamburg, and the raped women of Berlin, won't neutralize
Holocaust memory.... The real question is whether the
victors of World War II will be willing to examine the
historical simplifications that have long provided a
consensus about the "good war". If the recent resurgence of
war memories in the new Berlin republic has anything to tell
us, surely a crucial element is the importance of individual
historical experience that resists the either/or logic of
victimhood.
Belgium
Although it has a history long enough for it to
be known as the "Battlefield of Europe", the modern state of
Belgium was created only in the 19th century. The Congress of
Vienna (1814) created, including Belgium and Luxembourg;
following a revolution in 1830, both Belgium and Luxembourg
split from The Netherlands. However, Belgium itself is composed
of two quite different territories, Flanders and Wallonia, which
differ from each other in terms of language, culture, and
socioeconomic factors (interestingly, French-speaking Brussels,
the capital, is located in Dutch-specking Flanders). It turns
out that Flemish and Walloon Belgians also have quite different
national memories. The causes and effects of these differences
in collective memory were explored in a series of papers by
Olivier Luminet and his colleagues, and published in Memory
Studies in 2011 (Vol. 5, No. 1).
Lebanon
Beginning in 1975, and lasting until an
amnesty was established in 1991, Lebanon suffered a bloody civil
war involving Shiite and Sunni Muslims, Maronite Christians,
Syria, Israel, and the Palestine Liberation Organization.
Beit Beirut (The House of Beirut), a "memory museum" focusing on
everyday life in the city, opened in 2017, but the various
parties can't agree on what to put in it ("Empty Halls and Empty
Spaces", The Economist, 08/12/2017). The
re-purposed "Barakat" apartment building in which the
museum is housed served as a sniper's nest during the war, and
still shows extensive signs of war-related damage. The
museum itself has no director or board, no staff, and no
permanent collection, and nobody seems to be able to agree on
what should be displayed there. That seems like some sort
of metaphor.
The Spanish Civil War
After the death of Francisco Franco in
1975, and the restoration of democracy under King Juan
Carlos, a "memory war" erupted in Spain, reflecting a social
"pact of silence" concerning Franco's fascist dictatorship
(which began in 1936), his relationships with Hitler and
Mussolini, and especially the Civil War itself, should be
remembered. Of course, there is a huge civil War
memorial outside Madrid, in the "Valley of the Fallen" (Valle
de los Caidos), which contains Franco's own burial
crypt. But the Valley of the Fallen is a memorial
specifically to the Nationalist dead of the Civil
War, and essentially ignores those who fell on the
Republican side.
Franco's Crypt: Spanish Culture and Memory Since 1936 (2013), by Jeremy Treglown, bucks
conventional history by casting doubt on the "pact of
silence" itself, and claims that the transition period from
dictatorship to democracy was characterized by a vigorous
debate concerning all things Franco. Treglown has two
agendas. First, he tries to make the case that Spanish
culture was not stifled during the Franco years (when, for
example, artists like Picasso lived in exile). Second,
he examines the fate of Spanish collective memory for the
Franco era. He contrasts the pacto de olvido
("pact of forgetting" characteristic of the immediate
post-Franco years (the dictator died in 1975) with the "Law
of Historical Memory" instituted in 2004 by the Socialist
government of Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero (whose
grandfather had fought on the Republican side against
Franco). This is a genuine "memory war" -- if a
nonviolent one. He writes "In trying to identify
what's special about Spain, I soon found that much of it is
related to a politically manipulated, culturally amnesiac
obsession with 'memory'". From a review of Franco's
Crypt by Jonathan Blitzer ("Memory Politics", The
Nation, 01/20/2014):
On one side is a movement calling
for redoubled scrutiny of the past. At its head are
descendants of the civil war dead, coupled with activists and
anthropologists who together have crisscrossed the country
looking for answers to the crimes and atrocities committed by
Franco and his forces.... At the other end of the
political spectrum is the renewed recalcitrance of Spanish
conservatives, who see the activists' fact-finding as a kind of
open-ended prosecution. To them, the quest to restore
"historical memory" is partisan and opportunistic -- a headlong
rush to blame -- or, worse yet, a threat to the social order.
See also "The Battle to Remember" by Alex W.
Palmer (Smithsonian, 07-08/2018), which focuses on the
controversy over the Valley of the Fallen". The subtitle of
the article states that "With nationalism surging in Europe, a war
over the memory of a dictator and his victims is tearing Spain
apart". Palmer writes:
The Valley of the Fallen was the
brainchild of Franco himself. He declared his intention to
build the site, a towering Catholic basilica and civil war
memorial outside Madrid, in 1940, one year after the end of the
civil war. The Valley would be a "national act of
atonement", Franco said, and a monument to reconciliation.
But from the beginning it was clear the Valle would be something
else entirely.... Decades after Franco's death, the Valley
is Spain's most potent and controversial symbol of the civil war
and the dictatorship that followed. For many Spaniards,
the site embodies immense loss and unspeakable suffering; for
others... it is a fitting tribute to Spain's most controversial
leader, and a monument to a persistent strain of Spanish
nationalism.... The Spanish government has tried, fitfully
and unsuccessfully, to settle the issue of the Valley, or at
least to alter the site to make it palatable to all Spaniards.
See also "Don't Look Back" by Giles Harvey (New
Yorker, 01/13/2020), a profile of Javier Cecas, a Spanish
novelist. An early supporter of the "historical memory"
backlash to the pact of forgetting, as represented by the
disinterment and re-interment of Franco, Cecas has now had second
thoughts. The reason is that, just as the "historical
memory" movement was a backlash to the "pact of ignorance, now the
historical memory movement has led to a resurgence of right-wing
pro-Franco activity. For example, he points out that when
pro-Franco generals attempted an ultra-right coup against the new
democracy in February 1981, Spanish people and institutions didn't
really rally to defend their new freedoms: "The whole country
stayed at home and waited for the coup to fail. Or to
triumph." Moreover, as Harvey notes, elections in 2018 saw
the rise of a new ultra-right party seeking a revival of
Francoism.
The Pieds Noirs
Literally "Black Feet",
these were Europeans who emigrated to Algeria during the
French colonial period, working as farmers and laborers.
After the Algerian revolution in 1962, many fled to France
(where some of them now prefer to be called "French
Algerians"), some were killed by Algerian nationalists, and
others disappeared. Michael Kimmelman notes that the French
colonial experience in Algeria is similar to its Vichy period,
or Spain's civil war -- a period that most French would rather
forget ("In France, a War of Memories Over Memories of War",
New York Times, 03/05/2009). But a number of
museums concerned with the pieds noirs have opened in
France, sparking Algerian threats of an economic boycott, and
a Center for the French Presence in Algeria, documenting the Pied
noir experience, both in Algeria and afterwards, is
scheduled to open in 2009 or 2010 in a former convent in
Perpignan, France.
- Kimmelman quotes Michel Tubiana,
president of the League of the Rights of Man, which opposes
the establishment of the pied noirs center: "The
troubles in the suburbs helped bring the whole French colonial
issue in the open. There's now also a memory competition
in France over who were the biggest victims."
- Paul Aussaresses, a French army general
who served in Algeria, has published a memoir of the period,
and was subsequently convicted in a French court for "trying
to justify war". His editor, Xavier de Bartillat, said
that "this is simply part of the story, part of our history,
our collective memory".
- Suzy
Simon-Nicaise, president of the local branch of the Algerian
Circle, an organization of pieds noirs, said "We
have a culture, an identity, and we have the right to
express our memories".
Speaking
of the Vichy period, Caroline Moorhead, reviewing the
Saboteur, a biography of Robert de la Rochefoucauld ("The
Saboteur, a Gentleman Among the Maquis, Wall Street
Journal, 01/06/2018), a leader in the French Resistance
to the Nazi occupation during World War II, and who later
offered critical support for Maurice Papon, a notorious Vichy
collaborator, wrote that:
More than many other countries,
France has engaged in what historians have called "memory wars,"
bitterly debating the events that took place in their country
during the years of occupation. De Gaulle's determination
to put France back on its feet as rapidly as possible, and to
cast its inhabitants not as treacherous collaborators but heroic
resisters, effectively helped conceal -- right up until the
1980s -- the guilt of some of the worst offenders.
"Polish" Death Camps
Another
contested history concerns Nazi death camps located in Poland in
World War II. As part of the mechanism of the Holocaust, Nazi
Germany located a number of such camps in Poland. In 2012,
President Obama inadvertently referred to these as "Polish"
death camps, by which he clearly meant death camps located in
Poland -- he was, after all, speaking while awarding a
posthumous Medal of Freedom to Jan Karski, who risked his life
to inform the Allies about those camps and other war crimes
being committed on Polish soil. Nevertheless, the Polish
government protested Obama's use of the phrase, revealing an
internal tension about the relations among the Nazis, gentile
Poles, and Polish and non-Polish Jews during the war -- a
tension founded on differences in historical memory. For an
analysis, see "The Noble and the Base" by John Connelly,
reviewing a number of books on the topic, in the Nation,
12/03/2012.
Another
commentary on the Polish situation comes from Elizabeth
Zerofsky, in an article on the conservative/populist government
of Poland headed by Jaroslaw Kaczinski ("Memory Politics", New
Yorker, 07/30/2018). In 2016, Kaczinski's Law and
Justice Party had introduced a "Polish-death-camps amendment" to
a 1998 law concerning discussion of war crimes committed during
World War II. The amendment essentially banned the phrase
"Polish death camps" from public discourse; the bill was signed
into law in February 2018. At the same time, the Polish
Ministry of Foreign Affairs published a list of "wrong memory
codes" that "falsify the role of Poland during World War
II". Zerofsky quotes Omer Bartov, a history professor at
Brown, that "Memory laws are always about what you should
remember and what you should forget".
Russia and the
Soviet Union
Anne Applebaum, reviewing The
KGB File of Andrei Sakharov (edited by J. Rubenstein and
A. Gribanov; Yale, 2005), writes of Russian memories of the
Soviet era (New York Review of Books,10/20/05):
Since becoming president of
Russia, Vladimir Putin has worked hard to mold Russian
memories of the Soviet Union into something more positive, or
anyway more nostalgic, than they had been under his
predecessor. His goal, it seems, is to make Russians
proud of their country again, to find heroes they can once
again worship. Toward this end, he and the bureaucrats
who work for him have altered textbooks, closed archives, and
brought back Soviet symbols, including the old national
anthem. In May 2005, on the sixtieth anniversary of the
end of the Second World War, Putin even presided over an open
celebration of Soviet imperialism, complete with Soviet flags,
tanks, and presidential justifications of the postwar
occupation of the Baltic states.
Over time, this change in
tone, a radical shift from that of the late 1980s, could have
serious consequences for Russian civil society. With no
memory of the arbitrariness of the Soviet legal system, for
example, Russians may feel less committed to the rule of
law. Without reminders of the behavior of Soviet police
in the past, they may find it easier to accept a
heavier-handed police state in the present. Without
knowing any history of the terror and hardship imposed by the
Soviet empire, they may support new attempts to dominate their
neighbors. Worst of all, though, by robbing Russians of
a clear understanding of their history, President Putin has
deprived his countrymen of their rightful heroes [e.g.,
Sakharov], refusing to teach them about the men and women of
whom they could legitimately be proud.
Putin hasn't entirely
succeeded. In 1998 Arseny Roginsky founded the Memorial
Society, a Moscow-based nongovernmental organization, devoted
not just to promoting human rights in post-Soviet Russia but --
as its name implies -- to document the repressions of the Soviet
era as well. Roginsky's work is documented in "The Right
to Memory", a feature film by Ludmila Gordon and released in the
US in 2020 (reviewed in "Profiles in Decency" by Benjamin
Nathans, New York Review of Books, 04/23/2020).
Among the Memorial Society's products is the "Last Address"
project, which places plaques on apartment buildings indicating
the names of former occupants who were arrested, executed, and
dumped in mass graves, or who died in internal exile the Gulag,
during Stalin's "Great Terror" (the dead include Roginsky's
father). It also maintains a database of political
prisoners detained during the post-Soviet era, chiefly by
Putin. In 1976, Roginsky also founded Memory, a samizdat
journal devoted to aspects of Soviet and Russian history that
are not represented in official sources. Accordingly,
Memorial relies on first-person accounts and private
letters. Nathans draws an analogy between Memorial's work
and the "return of the repressed" popularized by Sigmund Freud:
most of the official records relevant to its goals have either
been destroyed or are inaccessible in secret archives. Of
course, Putin will have none of this. Memorial has been
criticized for exhuming and attempting to identify those buried
in mass graves, and it was one of the targets of a 2012 Russian
law requiring all NGOs to renounce foreign funding or register
as foreign agents (meaning, essentially, spies).
Eastern Europe
Speaking of the former Soviet Union, by extension
the entire former Soviet Bloc of Eastern Europe may be in dire
need of its own Truth and Reconciliation Commission(s).
Timothy Garton Ash, commenting on the rise of oligarchy ("robber
barons") and right-wing populism ("illiberal democracy") in the
countries of Eastern Europe (Hungary, Poland, the former
Czechoslovakia, and elsewhere) who were liberated from Soviet
domination beginning in 1989, writes:
The risk of generation a sense of historical
injustice was inherent in the very nature of a velvet
revolution, which necessarily involved a morally distasteful
compromise with the former powerholders. The social
anthropologist Ernest Gellner called this "the price of
velvet". That is why I argued at the time that the new
democracies of Central Europe should institute a public
confrontation with their dark past, perhaps in the form of a
truth commission. A truth commission I wrote in an
afterword to a second edition of The Magic Lantern,
published in 1999, "symbolically draws a line under the past,
without calling for forgetting or even, necessarily,
forgiving. It is probably the closest a non-revolutionary
revolution can come to revolutionary catharsis." I still
believe that to be an important lesson for any future velvet
revolution in other parts of the world.
Yet one must doubt whether even the most effective
truth commission could have assuaged the burning sense of
injustice caused by so many collaborators of the old regime
becoming economic winners under the new. All current
European populisms feed off anger at the way in which liberalism
was reduced after 1989 to one rather extreme version of a purely
economic liberalism, without the "equal respect and concern" for
all citizens that the philosopher Ronald Dworkin identified as
essential to a modern liberalism. But the impact of this
was particularly acute in post-communist Europe, with its raw
advent of capitalism, sense of historic injustice, and societies
unused to high levels of visible inequality ("Time for a New
Liberation?", New York Review of Books, 10/24/2019).
China and
Tiananmen Square
In the
spring of 1989, peaceful pro-democracy protests broke out in
China, culminating in a massive occupation of Tiananmen Square, in
the heart of Beijing, within a stone's throw (!) of the Great Hall
of the People and the tomb of Mao Tse-Tung. The protest was
vigorously suppressed by the People's Liberation Army on the night
of June 3-4, 1989, complete with live ammunition and columns of
tanks. Hundreds, if not thousands, of protesters were
killed, and the leaders -- as well as officials who were
sympathetic to the protesters -- were arrested, jailed, purged,
and exiled. Ever since then, in a truly Orwellian effort,
the Chinese government has tried to expunge Tiananmen Square from
collective memory. The episode is not mentioned in official
histories; security at the Square itself is intensified around the
anniversary of the event, internet searches for related
information are blocked -- so much so that, according to an
article in The Economist ("Ageing Rebels, Bitter Victims",
05/31/2014), China's internet censors even attempted to block
online references to the Shanghai Stock Exchange when it fell
64.89 points (6-4-89, get it?). In 2014, the 25th
anniversary of the event, Louisa Lim, a correspondent for National
Public Radio, published the fullest account to date of both the
"massacre" and the suppression that followed: The People's
Republic of Amnesia: Tiananmen Revisited. In an
informal experiment, Lim found that only 15 out of 100 Beijing
University students could (or perhaps, under the circumstances, would)
correctly identify the iconic "Man and Tanks" photograph from that
day.
In 2019, on the 30 anniversary of the Tiananmen Square events,
Lim wrote an Op-Ed column for the New York Times in which
she noted that "In the years since I wrote about Beijing's success
in erasing the killings of 1989 from collective memory...
[h]istory has become an ideological tool, with certain episodes
celebrated for showing the party's best version of itself, while
others are rooted out and erased... ("After Tiananmen, China
Conquers History Itself", New York Times,
06/04/2019). All of this is in the ultimate service of
legitimizing the current leadership.... In this
state-approved narrative, there is no place for the People's
Liberation Army's act of opening fire on its own people. And
the battle over the memory of 1989 is now a global one, waged in
classrooms, in print and online. Academic journals and tech
companies have censored June 4-related content.... In some
ways, indoctrinating China's young people with a utilitarian view
of history is an even more powerful tool than censorship
itself. When people accept that history must serve the
interests of the state, they become closed off to the spirit of
academic inquiry or even idle curiosity..... While all
countries construct their own national narratives, few manage to
rival the power of China's deeply emotive patriotic nationalism
and its unquestioned ability to punish those who publicly question
the official version of history. The danger is that these
tactics are so effective that China's history is splitting in two:
the Communist Party's narrative at home, and other, more nuanced
versions overseas. That divide may prove impossible to mend.
The June 1, 2019 edition of the Wall Street Journal
carried a series of Op-Ed articles on "30 Years After Tiananmen".
- In "Tiananmen: The
Crackdown that Defined Modern China", Orville Schell writes
that "In retrospect... the Tiananmen crackdown of 1989 now
appears to be the moment when the regime most fully revealed
the fundamental principles that now guide... a rising
China".
- Gerard Baker, in a
piece editorial entitled "In 1989, the U.S. Decided to Let
Beijing Get Away with Murder" wrote that "Though President
George H.W. Bush initially denounced the crackdown.... It
became clear that the official response would be essentially
to pretend that nothing had happened".
- Charles Hutzler and
Chun Han Wong wrote of "China's Effort to Erase the June 4th
Protests from History": "'Tank Man' images are
ruthlessly excised from Chinese social media.... Now the
Chinese government is seeking to exert the same sort of
control over how China's history is seen in the rest of the
world...". The Chinese government 'has not only amped up
controls on information inside China but sought to impose
those standards on foreigners".
- In "Tiananmen's
Survivors and the Burden of Memory, Te-Ping Chen and Chao Deng
discuss a kind of survivor's guilt which haunts those who were
not killed on June 4, including those who wonder if they could
have handled things differently, and those who find it
"distressing to see how many Chinese have chosen to forget the
idealism of 1989 and how many now seem to accept the idea that
China has benefited in the long term because the government
sent in the troops."
- Finally, in his
weekly language column, Ben Zimmer discussed "How 'Tiananmen'
Because Synonymous with 'Authoritarian Crackdown'": "On the
25th anniversary of the protests [in 2014], the government
blocked the term 'Tiananmen' (in both Mandarin and English) on
the social media platform Weibo.... This year, ahead of
the anniversary, China has gone even further by blocking all
access to Wikipedia. When even an online search of
'Tiananmen' is enough to warrant a crackdown, it's clear that
despite the government's best efforts, the name continues to
hold a kind of emblematic power."
See also The
Last Secret: The Final Documents from the June Fourth
Crackdown (2019) edited by Bao Yu, which documents a
meeting of Chinese Communist Party officials convened to
develop a common "party line" endorsing the massacre.
See "China's 'Black Week-End'" an extensive review by Ian
Johnson, in the New York Review of Books, 06/27/2019.
But
Wait, There's More
China's "secret
history" goes way beyond the massacre in Tienanmen Square.
Three was the famine associated with the Great Leap Forward, the
backlash to the Hundred Flowers campaign, and the persecutions
associated with the Cultural Revolution. There is Tibet,
and there are the Uighurs. Because the Chinese government
controls the press, there is little public knowledge, much less
discussion, of these and other topics. A review by Ian
Buruma profiles the "underground historians" who "have fought
the politics of amnesia" (New Yorker, 10/02/2023).
Reviewing Sparks: China's Underground Historians and Their
Battle for the Future by Ian Johnson (2023), Buruma
writes:
There are plenty of
contemporary problems that one can’t safely discuss in China,
especially when they involve important officials. But
Johnson’s underground historians are mostly concerned with
unearthing and keeping alive forbidden memories of the past.
Official Party history, imposed on China’s population, is also
a matter of official forgetting. Many people born in China
after 1989 have never heard of the Tiananmen massacre. Many of
the young people who lived through the Cultural
Revolution, in the nineteen-sixties and early seventies,
would have had limited knowledge of the Great Leap Forward, in
the late fifties and early sixties, when Mao’s crackpot
schemes for industrial and agricultural transformation caused
tens of millions of deaths from starvation. And many of those
who starved may not have been fully aware of the land-reform
campaigns of the early fifties, when vast numbers of people
were murdered as class enemies, because they owned some land
(as Mao’s father did, but that is a fact Party ideologues
prefer to keep quiet).
The
dissident Fang Lizhi, holed up at the United States Embassy in
Beijing, in 1990, to avoid arrest after the Tiananmen
crackdown, composed an essay titled “The Chinese Amnesia.”
“About once each decade, the true face of history is
thoroughly erased from the memory of Chinese society,” he
wrote, in lines that Johnson quotes. “This is the objective of
the Chinese Communist policy of ‘Forgetting History.’ In an
effort to coerce all of society into a continuing
forgetfulness, the policy requires that any detail of history
that is not in the interests of the Chinese Communists cannot
be expressed in any speech, book, document, or other medium.”
***
“Patriotic education,”
as the campaign to propagate official history is now called,
is a central pillar of Communist rule in China. Ever since Mao
laid down the “correct line” in the caves of Yan’an, where the
Communist leaders bided their time during the war with the
Japanese in the forties, the goal has been to make people
believe that everything before the Communist Revolution was
decadent, corrupt, and wicked, that the revolution was
inevitable, and that only Communist rule would restore the
power and the glory of China.
***
There are thirty-six thousand revolutionary sites throughout
the country, and sixteen hundred of them are memorial halls
and museums, all of which serve to indoctrinate an endless
stream of schoolchildren and “red tourists.” Popular
entertainment on film and TV provides fictional accounts of
Communist heroes resisting Japanese imperialists or defeating
decadent class enemies left over from the irredeemable past.
And a large number of memorials, from the southern province of
Guangdong, where the Opium Wars began, to the far northeast,
annexed by the Japanese in the thirties, are there to make
people aware of earlier humiliations that only the Communist
Party can put right.Patriotic education is not unique to the
People’s Republic of China. Americans don’t need to be
reminded that the
teaching of history can become a hotly
contested political topic in democracies, too. But using
the past to legitimatize political rule has an exceptionally
long history in China.
Turkey:
Identity and Memory
Turkey is a modern
nation-state, but it also includes a number of distinct ethnic
subgroups -- not the least of whom are the Kurds that populate
its border with Iraq. This situation creates a number of
interesting dilemmas having to do with inter-ethnic tolerance
and strife -- reflecting the pressure to subordinate one's
ethnic identity to the abstract idea of being "Turkish" -- not
to mention that being "Turkish" also requires one to negotiate
dual identities, and dual sets of memories, associated with
being both "European" and "Muslim". Steven Kinzer, a former New
York Times correspondent in Istanbul, and author of Crescent
and Star: Turkey Between Two Worlds (2001) writes that:
Intolerance is nothing new
in Turkey. In Streets of Memory [subtitled Landscape,
Tolerance, and National Identity in Istanbul], a recent
study of cultural attitudes in an Istanbul neighborhood that
was a jumble of nationalities, Amy Mills writes:
The price of belonging, in
Turkey, comes at a cost -- the forgetting of particular
histories at the expense of the frequent retelling of others
and the silencing of particular memories that cannot
entirely be repressed.
She finds troubling evidence
of "polarization in thinking about national identities and
minority histories." People shy away from recalling, for
example, the infamous pogrom in 1955 when rioters backed by
police attacked homes and businesses owned by Greeks,
Armenians, and Jews. But she also notes "an increasing
curiosity and desire among Turkish citizens to learn more
about places and pasts in Turkey" [from "Triumphant Turkey?",
New York Review of Books, 08/18/2011].
Yuyanapaq
"To remember" in Quechua, a
language of the indigenous people of Peru, and the name of an
exhibition mounted after a 2003 "Truth and Reconciliation
Commission" to inquire into the violent clash, between 1980 and
2000, between the Maoist "Shining Path" insurgents and the armed
forces. In 2009, the German government offered to build a
"museum of memory" to display the exhibit, but the government
turned it down. As Peruvian president Alan Garcia said,
"Memory doesn't belong to a particular group", and any such
museum should "take all perspectives into account" (Garcia had
also also been president during some of the period in question,
1985-1990). On the other hand, Mario Vargas Llosa, the
Peruvian novelist, replied that "We need a museum of memory to
fight the intolerant, blind and obtuse attitudes which unleash
political violence" ("Don't Look Back: History in Peru", The
Economist, 03/14/2009).
Hindus and
Muslims in India
The common view of India is
that it is a Hindu nation, but in fact it has long been a blend
of Hindu and Muslim cultures. Hinduism arose out of the
ancient Vedic Civilization, beginning in the 2nd millennium BCE,
leading to the "Golden Age" of "Classical India", c. 320-650
CE. India's medieval period (650-1646 CE) was
characterized by a blend of Hindu and Muslim cultures, with the
Muslim Delhi Sultanate dominating the northern part of the
subcontinent (1206–1526) and the
Hindu Vijayanagara Empire (1336–1646) in the
south. Modern India began with the (Muslim) Mughal Dynasty
1526–1707 and the (Hindu) Maratha Empire (1674-1818).
From the middle of the 18th century onward, India was
governed by the British East India Company, followed by formal
incorporation of India into the British Empire in 1858. The
move for independence included both Hindus, like Mohandas
(Mahatma) Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, and Muslims, like Muhammad
Ali Jinnah. The Hindus and Muslims couldn't keep it
together, though, and when independence from Britain neared,
Jinnah propounded his "two nations" theory. With the
Partition of 1947, the subcontinent was divided into
Hindu-dominant India and Muslim-dominant Pakistan.
This is not the place to give a definitive history
of India. The point is that until Partition, Hindus and
Muslims lived together, albeit sometimes uneasily, and Muslim
influence on Indian culture was palpable. For example, the
Taj Mahal, perhaps India's premiere tourist site, was built by a Mughal
emperor, Shah Jahan, in 1632. But in the 21st century,
the ruling Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) began
to institute a new elementary and secondary school curriculum
that highlights Vedic and medieval Hindu society, and Hindutva
("Hinduness") generally, and downplays the contributions of the
Mughals and other Muslims. The situation, as reviewed by
Alex Traub ("India's Dangerous New Curriculum, New York
Review of Books, 12/06/2018). Textbooks shape as
well as preserve collective memory, and Traub warns that the
current policies emphasize "Hindu triumphalism and
Islamophobia". Of course, Traub notes, prior to the
ascendancy the ruling Congress party cast the Mughal era in a
positive light, in an attempt to help "each of India's ethnic
and religious groups to feel they shard a claim to a common
national identity". And, further, he notes that when government
control changes between parties, as when BJP lost to Congress in
2004, the textbooks changed again. Now (2018), with BJP
back in power, they're changing back.
See also The Memory Hole and The Memory Police.
The Holocaust
The literature of the Nazi
holocaust is focused almost entirely on memory. In The
Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish
Suffering (Verso, 2000), Norman G. Finkelstein, himself
the child of Holocaust survivors, notes that American Jewish
elites "forgot" the holocaust until the 1960s, out of fear of
being accused of "dual loyalty" in a time of McCarthyism.
Then, they "remembered" the holocaust, once the United States
had established a strategic alliance with Israel. At that
point, in Finkelstein's view, The Holocaust, thus capitalized,
became an ideological tool. A similar point is made, less
provocatively, by Peter Novick in The Holocaust in American
Life (2000). In any event, the motto of Holocaust
Remembrance Day, April 19 (the anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto
Uprising in 1942) is "Never Forget". As the last
Holocaust survivors (like the last combat veterans of World War
II) die, issues of memory persist, albeit in collective rather
than individual form. As Melvin Jules Bukiet noted ("In
the Beginning Was Auschwitz", Chronicle of Higher Education,
3/9/02),
"Memory" is the mantra of
all the institutions that reckon with the Holocaust, but
memory is an inaccurate term. For anyone who wasn't
there, on either side of the barbed wire, Jew or German,
thinking about the Holocaust is really an act of the
imagination. All we know is how little we know.
The lack of a certain amount
and kind of written documentation has made it possible for some
people to deny the Holocaust even occurred, or that Hitler had
any role in it. This was an issue in the libel suit
brought by David Irving, author of Hitler's War, against Deborah Lipstadt, author of Denying
the Holocaust: The Growing Assault on Truth and Memory. Irving lost his suit, but the case was
not frivolous: it raised an important question that goes to the
heart of the relationship between memory and history, and one
that is critical for the field of oral history: in knowing the
past, how much weight should we give to documents, and how much
to eyewitness testimony? The Irving-Lipstadt case is
documented by D.D. Guttenplan, London correspondent for The
Nation, in the Holocaust on
Trial (Norton, 2002)
In a discussion of
"Breakthrough Books" on collective memory published in Lingua
Franca (March/April 1996),
Michael Schudson, author of Watergate in American
Memory: How We Remember, Forget, and Reconstruct the Past (Basic, 1992), stated that "There are two kinds
of studies of collective memory -- those that examine the
Holocaust, and all the others. Even people whose own work
lies in that second group find Holocaust studies inescapably
important, capable of illuminating every corner of the general
topic with intellectual clarity and urgency".
James Young has provided
highly regarded analyses of collective memories of the Holocaust
in:
- Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust:
Narrative and the consequences of Interpretation
(Indiana, 1988) and
- Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials
and Meaning in Europe, Israel, and America (Yale,
1993).
Other books on memory and the Holocaust
include:
- Memory
Effects: The Holocaust and the Art of Secondary Witnessing
by Dora Apel (Rutgers).
- Image
and Remembrance: Representation and the Holocaust ed.
by Shelley Hornstein and Florence Jacobowitz (Indiana).
- Death
and the Nation: History, Memory, Politics by Edith
Zertal (Dvir). Reviewing this book (as well as In
the Shadow of the Holocaust: The Struggle between Jews and
Zionists in the Aftermath of World War II by Yosef
Grodzinsky), Baruch Kimmerling notes: '"Never forget" has
been the mantra of Jewish and Israeli politics for three
decades. But in Death and the Nation, Idith
Zertal argues, daringly and I think rightly, that one can
"remember too much" ("Israel's Culture of Martyrdom", The
Nation, 01/10-17/05).
A study of Jewish collective
memory is found in Zakhor by Yosef Hayim Yerushalami
(1982), who notes that the command zakhor "to
remember", occurs frequently in the Hebrew Bible. Dana Horn
comments:
"Commanded by God dozens
of times in the Hebrew Bible to remember their past, Jews
historically obeyed not by recording events but by
ritually re-enacting them, by understanding the present
through the lens of the past" ("Articles of Faith" by Dara
Horn, New York times Book Review, 09/01/2013).
Hypnosis
Hypnosis is often employed
as a technique for the self-regulation of memory. In posthypnotic
amnesia, people cannot remember events and experiences
that transpired during hypnosis. In hypnotic agnosia,
they cannot access generic, impersonal knowledge of a
"semantic" or "procedural" sort. Posthypnotic amnesia
has been studied experimentally for more than half a century,
but hypnotic agnosia is relatively unknown. Claims have
also been made that suggestions for hypermnesia and age
regression can refresh people's recollection of
forgotten events, and have been used in both forensic and
clinical situations, but the validity of memories "recovered"
through these techniques has been hotly debated. Claims that
hypnosis can enhance the learning process have generally not
been confirmed by experimental research.
Read "Hypnosis, Memory, and Amnesia", a brief
summary of the literature on hypnosis and memory based on a
paper originally presented at a symposium at the annual
meeting of the Association for Research in Nervous and Mental
Disease, on Memory and Memory Disorders", New York, December
1995, and subsequently published in the Philosophical
Transactions of the Royal Society: Biological Sciences as part of a special issue, Biological
and Psychological Perspectives on Memory and Memory Disorders, edited by L.R. Squire and D.L. Schacter (372, 1727-1732, 1997).
Read "Altering States of Consciousness" by J.F.
Kihlstrom and E. Eich. This article is a chapter in Learning,
Remembering, Believing: Enhancing Human Performance, edited by D. Druckman and R.A. Bjork
(Washington, D.C.: National Academies Press, 1994, pp.
207-248), which was a report of the Committee on the
Enhancement of Human Performance of the National Research
Council, the operating arm of the National Academy of
Sciences. The report was one of several commissioned by
the United States Army to evaluate psychosocial techniques for
enhancing individual and team performance, especially under
conditions of stress. The chapter contains a brief
review of the use of hypnosis to enhance learning, memory, and
other aspects of human performance. Requires
Adobe Acrobat reader.
Read "Hypnosis and Memory" by J.F.
Kihlstrom. This is an article in Learning and
Memory, 2nd ed., ed. by J.F. Byrne
(Farmington Hills, Mi: Macmillan Reference, 2003, pp.
240-242). This article covers all the effects of
hypnosis on memory, including posthypnotic amnesia, agnosia,
hypermnesia, and age regression, with comments on the use of
hypnosis for the recovery of memory in clinical and forensic
situations.
The Indian Rope Trick
In the Indian Rope Trick, a
fakir tosses a ball of twine into the air; a small boy climbs
the extended rope, and then disappears into thin air.
The first report of the trick, by John Elbert Wilkie (then a
journalist writing for the Chicago Tribune, later the
head of the US Secret Service) in 1890, is now known to be a
hoax (not least because Wilkie confessed his prank). The
trick has never been performed, and it was never
witnessed. Nevertheless, a number of people claimed to
have witnessed it. Peter Lamont, in The Rise of the
Indian Rope Trick: How a Spectacular Hoax Became History
(Thunder's Mouth Press, 2005), speculates that "the true
secret of the Indian rope Trick is the way the supple human
memory combines events we've really seen with legends we've
only heard, and shapes them into the best possible story to
tell our grandchildren" (quotation from "The Grift of the
Magi" by Teller, himself a magician, reviewing the book in the
New York Times Book Review, 02/13/05). Lamont's
book even offers an instance of a false "recovered
memory". Again quoting Teller: "In 1925, the aptly named
Lady Waghorn suddenly remembered witnessing the trick in
Madras in 1891, although for 34 years she had somehow thought
'nothing about it'." The memory is recovered, because
she had not been conscious of it for years; it is false,
because -- to repeat -- Wilkie's 1890 report was a hoax, and
the Rope Trick has never been performed, before or since.
In sociology, an institution
may be defined as "(1) a set of mores or formal rules,
or both, which can be fulfilled only by (2) people acting
collectively, in established complementary capacities or
offices" (Everett C. Hughes, "Institutions", in R.E. Park
(ed.), An Outline of the Principles of Sociology, p.
297). Hughes further noted that "Institutions exist in
the integrated and standardized behavior of individuals" (p.
319). Talcott Parsons argued that institutions were
systems of norms that "regulate the relations of individuals
to each other" and specify "what the relations of individuals
ought to be" (The Structure of Social Action,
1934/1990, p. 327).
Emile Durkheim, the
pioneering French sociologist, defined human institutions as
symbolic systems, entailing collective representations and
beliefs.
These systems, although a
product of human interaction, are experienced by individuals
as objective. Although subjectively formed, they
become "crystallized." They are, in Durkheim's
(1901/1950) terms, "social facts": phenomena perceived by
the individual as being both "external" (to that person) and
"coercive" (backed by sanctions). And, as is the case
with religious systems, ritual and ceremonies play a vital
role in expressing and reinforcing belief.... These
symbolic systems -- systems of knowledge, belief, and "moral
authority" -- are for Durkheim social institutions (Scott,
1995, p. 10).
Scott (p. 10) further quotes
Jeffrey C. Alexander on Durkheim:
Institutions, Durkheim
writes, are a product of joint activity and association,
the effect of which is to "fix," to "institute" outside us
certain initially subjective and individual ways of acting
and judging. Institutions, then, are the
"crystallizations" of Durkheim's earlier writing (Theoretical
Logic in Sociology: The Antinomies of Classical Thought:
Marx and Durkheim, 1983, Vol. 2, p. 259).
Max Weber on the Definition of
Social Science
Another pioneering sociologist, Max
Weber, defined the social sciences as those in which
both the investigator and the subject attach meaning
to events. The human ecology of memory is a
social-scientific approach to memory is primarily
concerned with what people remember,
individually and collectively, and how individuals
and groups give meaning to the past. In this
respect, it complements the natural-scientific that
characterizes so much of psychology and cognitive
neuroscience, which is primarily concerned with how
people remember, in the abstract.
|
For introductions to the sociology of
institutions and organizations (none of which make any
particular mention of institutional memory), see:
- Perrow, C. (1986). Complex
organizations: A critical essay (3rd ed.). New
York: McGraw-Hill.
- Powell, W.W., & DiMaggio, P.J. (Eds.)
(1991). The New Institutionalism in Organizational
Analysis. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Scott, W.R. (1992). Organizations:
Rational, natural, and open systems. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
- Scott, W.R. (1995). Institutions
and organizations. 3rd ed. Thousand Oaks,
Ca.: Sage.
- Singer, J.E., & Druckman, D.
(1997). Enhancing organizational performance (report of
the Committee on Techniques for the Enhancement of Human
Performance, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and
Education, National Research Council). Washington, D.C.:
National Academy Press.
See also Organizational Memory.
Journalism
John McPhee, in an autobiographical
essay, has this advice for budding journalists and nonfiction
writers:
Whatever you do, don't rely on
memory. don't even imagine that you will be able to
remember verbatim in the evening what people said during the
day.... From the start, make clear what you are doing and
who will publish what you write. Display your notebook as
if it were a fishing license.
Landmarks and Collective Memories
Writing of 2 Columbus Circle,
the controversial postmodern New York City skyscraper designed
by Edward Durrell Stone in "Venetian Gothic" style, but also of
the late, lamented, Pennsylvania Station in the same city,
Herbert Muschamp writes: "A building does not have to be an
important work of architecture to become a first-rate
landmark. Landmarks are not created by architects.
They are fashioned by those who encounter them after they are
built. The essential feature of a landmark is not its
design, but the place it holds in a city's memory.
Compared to the place it occupies in social history, a
landmark's artistic qualities are incidental" ("The Secret
History", New York Times, 01/08/06).
Digitization of books and
journals, however much it may be a boon to scholarship, creates
a risk that other sorts of artifacts, which cannot be digitized,
will be lost to collective memory. So argues Katie Hafner
in "History, Digitized (and Abridged)" (New York Times,
03/11/07). She writes: "As more museums and archives
become digital domains, and as electronic resources become the
main tool for gathering information, items left behind in
non-digital form... are in danger of disappearing from the
collective cultural memory, potentially leaving our historical
fabric riddled with holes". Hafner quotes Edward L. Ayers,
a historian at the University of Virginia: "Material that is not
digitized risks being neglected as it would not have been in the
past, virtually lost to the great majority of potential users".
See also Aide-Memoire,
Digitization as a
Threat to Individual Memory.
Literature
Mnemosyne was not only the
goddess of memory; she was also the mother of the Muses, the
goddesses of the various arts. Thus, there is a link
between memory and literature (including history, whose Muse was
Clio) and the other arts. Two particularly good sources on
the relationship between memory and literature, and the
literature of memory beyond psychology and the other cognitive
sciences, are:
The Anatomy of Memory: An
Anthology, edited by James McConkey (Oxford University
Press, 1996). Originally conceived as the "Oxford
Companion to Memory", part of the famous Oxford series, this
anthology is "an engrossing treasury of commentaries on memory
as the necessary condition of individual and cultural
identity, and as the provider of the materials and themes of
our philosophies, religions, and literary creations" (M.H.
Abrams, from the book jacket).
I Could Tell You Stories:
Sojourns in the Land of Memory, by Patricia
Hampl (Norton, 1999). A shorter book that "looks
so deeply into the relation between memory and imagination as
to become a guide, for both writers and readers, to what
Virginia Woolf called 'life writing'" (Mark Doty, from the
book jacket).
The literature of memory
encompasses as literature of forgetting as well as a literature
of remembering. For examples of the former, see:
The Vintage Book of
Amnesia: An Anthology of Writing on the Subject of Memory
Loss, edited by Jonathan Lethem (Vintage Books,
2000). Part of the 'Black Lizard" crime series, this
book does "nothing less than define a new genre of literature
-- the amnesia story" (from the book description on www. amazon.com). As
Lethem noted (in an interview with Kevin Canfield of the Hartford
Courant, 2001), amnesia "isolates the basic question
people are asking all the time -- even if they're not aware
they're asking it -- which is, 'Who am I?' and 'Where do I
come from?' The function of amnesia is that it helps
make that question super-literal, super-explicit."
A Primer of Forgetting
by Lewis Hyde (2019), another sort of commonplace book,
reviewed by Christian Wyman in the Wall Street Journal
("The Past Need Not Be Prologue", 06/22/2019). According
to Wyman, Hyde argues that "forgetting is as important to
one's vitality and sanity as memory.... 'In forgetting
lies the liquefaction of time,' Mr. Hyde writes. Bad
remembering causes time to clot. Bad remembering can be
an error of content (we remember the wrong things) or an error
of action (we remember for the wrong reasons). Time is,
or ought to be, fluid, and to be fluent within time, we must
let a lot of life drop away. Thus, as he puts it, 'every
act of memory is also an act of forgetting'."
Link to comments on the role that memory plays in
literature.
Lunch Box Memories
Referring to Proust's Remembrance
of Things Past, Lawrence M. Small, Secretary of the
Smithsonian Institution, identifies the lunch box is "that metal
madeleine with the power to turn purposeful grownups into
carefree kids again" ("Cartwheels at 50", Smithsonian
magazine, 04/02). The Smithsonian has organized a
traveling exhibition, Lunchbox Memories, which traces
the cultural evolution of both lunch and the lunchbox. In
the introduction to the exhibition, the curators note that "Like
an old song, a metal lunch box takes us back in time, recalling
school days or workdays, favorite foods, a certain lunch table,
a friend, a quiet moment". Link
to the exhibition website.
Malcolm C.
Dizer and "History in Philately"
Malcolm C. Dizer
(1886-1978) was a British-American philatelist who assembled a
number of specialized postage stamp albums under the general
topic of "History in Philately".
The albums constitute an excellent example of the use of
postage stamps to preserve collective memory.
In addition, Dizer produced a limited-edition
album of United Nations stamps and postal stationery, with a
custom album in blue embossed Postage Stamps of the United
Nations in silver -- a project endorsed by Reidar Tvedt,
Chief of the United Nations Postal Administration. In a letter to Dizer
dated January 25, 1955, and included in the album, Tvedt expressed
"great regret" that Dizer had "decided against production of a
United Nations Album", further noting that "the UN Postal
Administration has a particular interest in seeing the Album
completed". The
circumstances of this letter are unknown. It is not clear whether
this album was intended to be the official UN collection, a
replica of the official collection, or the prototype of a consumer
album to be offered to collectors through the UNPA or the United
Nations Bookshop and similar venues.
Dizer produced annual supplements to this album at least
through 1969.
Throughout all
this activity, two basic themes can be seen: an intense
patriotism, toward both Britain and the United States; and
intense idealism, especially concerning the United Nations.
Martha Stewart's Former Best Friend's Memory
In 2004, Martha Stewart (the
domestic diva, the doyenne of domesticity) went on
trial on charges of conspiracy and obstruction of justice
arising from an apparent incident of insider trading involving
ImClone, a pharmaceutical company. (Samuel D. Waksal,
the CEO of ImClone and one of Stewart's close friends, sold a
large amount of ImClone stock before the Food & drug
administration announced that it would not approve a new
ImClone drug for sale; so did Ms. Stewart). At Ms.
Stewart's trial, Marianna Pasternak, described in one news
account as Ms. Stewart's former best friend, testified for the
prosecution that, when discussing her stock sale, "Isn't it
nice to have brokers who tell you those things?". Under
cross examination by the defense, however, Ms. Pasternak
admitted that Ms. Stewart might not have said this.
According to the New York Times
"I do not know whether
that statement was made by Martha or was thought in my
mind," she told the court. She described the memory as
"a string of words that I recall." Later, however when
questioned further by a prosecutor, she said she believed
"that Martha said it" ("Damming Words in Stewart Case, or
Maybe Not" by Constance L. Hays, 02/21/04).
In another Times article, Ms. Pasternak is further quoted as
saying "I do not know if Martha said that, or it's me who
thought those words" ("On the Witness Stand, Friendships Can
Also Face a Trial" by Leslie Eaton, 02/21/04).
The episode may illustrate
certain vicissitudes of eyewitness memory, including imagination
inflation and source
amnesia. If Pasternak had the
thought herself, but attributed it to Ms. Stewart, it is an
interesting reversal of cryptomnesia, or "unconscious
plagiarism".
The biologist Richard
Dawkins has defined memes as individual units of
information, analogous to genes, that proliferate through a
culture based on Darwinian principles of variation, selection,
and retention (see The Selfish Gene, Oxford University
Press, 1976). For Dawkins, memes are selected in the
"marketplace of ideas" in a manner to the selection of bodily
and behavioral traits in biological evolution. In
Dawkins' view, memes are the cognitive basis of culture, and
they have much in common with collective memory.
Memes include any pieces of
information that are widely shared within a culture.
- attitudes
- factoids
- fairy tales
- ideas
- myths and legends
- news
- rumors
- stories
- urban
legends.
Phenomena instigated by memes include:
- fear cascades
- moral panics
- hysterical panics.
According to Dawkins, memes survive, like
everything else survives, by replicating themselves (which is why
they're subject to something like natural selection). David
Deutsch, in the Beginning of Infinity: Explanations that
Transform the World has described two strategies for
meme-replication: rational and anti-rational. As David
Albert puts it in his review of the book ("Explaining It All", New
York Times Book Review, 08/14/2011)
Deutsch is interested in neo-Darwinian accounts of the
evolution of culture. Such accounts treat cultural items —
languages, religions, values, ideas, traditions — in much
the way that Darwinian theories of biological evolution
treat genes. They are called "memes," and are treated as
evolving, just as genes do, by mutation and selection, with
the most successful memes being those that are the most
faithfully replicated. Deutsch writes with enormous clarity
and insight about how the mechanisms of mutation and
transmission and selection of memes are going to have to
differ, in all sorts of ways, from those of genes.
He also provides an elegant analysis of two particular
strategies for meme-replication, one he calls "rational"
and the other he calls "anti-rational." Rational memes — the
sort that Deutsch imagines will replicate themselves well in
post-Enlightenment societies — are simply good ideas: the
kind that will survive rigorous scientific scrutiny, the
kind that will somehow make life easier or safer or more
rewarding because they tell us something useful about how
the world actually works. Irrational memes — which are more
interesting, and more diabolical, and which Deutsch thinks
of as summing up the essential character of
pre-Enlightenment societies — reproduce themselves by
disabling the capacities of their hosts (by means of fear,
or an anxiety to conform, or the appearance of naturalness
and inevitability, or in any number of other ways) to
evaluate or invent new ideas. And one particular subcategory
of memes — about which Deutsch has very clever things to say
— succeeds precisely by pretending not to tell the truth.
So, for example: "Children who asked why they were required
to enact onerous behaviors that did not seem functional
would be told ‘because I say so,’ and in due course they
would give their children the same reply to the same
question, never realizing that they were giving the full
explanation. (This is a curious type of meme whose explicit
content is true even though its holders do not believe it.)"
For sympathetic analyses of the "meme" concept,
see
- The Meme Machine by Susan
Blackmore (Oxford University Press, 1999).
- See also Blackmore's article, "The
Power of Memes" (Scientific American, October 2000).
- Viruses of the Mind: The New Science
of the Mind by Richard Brodie (Integral Press, 1996).
- "What Defines a Meme? by James Gleick, Smithsonian,
05/2011-- excerpted from Gleick's book, the Information: A
History, a Theory, a Flood (2011).
- The Beginning of
Infinity: Explanations that Transform the World by
David Deutsch (2011).
Memoir
While autobiographies make
use of documentary records, memoirs are, almost by definition,
literary representations of memory. And so, like
memories, they may be inaccurate or willfully distorted.
Memoirs are representations of memory, not of history.
The biographer Dorothy
Gallagher notes that "Writing is problem solving;
whether in fiction, biography, or memoir, certain basic
questions have to be resolved". She continues:
In biography, at least, a
writer leans heavily on materials gathered in
research. Working with a trove of documents is
constraining, but also in some ways liberating, as working a
puzzle is liberating. The clues are in your files, and
if you've done your job as a researcher, you have the tools
to solve the puzzle. But when I turned to memoir --
the shamelessly naked core of a writer's necessary material
-- I found myself traveling as light as any writer of
fiction.
I have never written
fiction, and this memoir [How I Came Into My Inheritance
and Other True Stories] may be as close as I ever get
to it. No more than a biography or a novel is memoir
true to life. because, truly, life is just one damn
thing after another. The writer's business is to find
the shape in unruly life and to serve her story. Not,
you may note, to serve her family, or to serve the truth,
but to serve her story.... A reporter of fact is in
service to the facts..., but a writer serves the story
without apology to competing claims....
Now you may ask: Just what
is the relation of your memoir to the truth?
It is as close as it can
be....
The moment you put pen to
paper and begin to shape a story, the essential nature of
life -- that one damn thing after another -- is lost.
No matter how ambiguous you try to make a story, no matter
how many ends you leave hanging, it's a package made to
travel.
Everything that happened
is not in my stories; how could it be? Memory is
selective, storytelling insists on itself. But there
is nothing in my stories that did not happen. In their
essence they are true.
Or a shade of true...
("Recognizing the Book that Needs to be Written", New
York Times, 06/17/02).
Similarly, Lisa Knopp has
written in the Nature of Home: A Lexicon and Essays (University of Nebraska Press, 2002) that
The act of making
something from what is already there always involves a
simultaneous creation and destruction.... Even what
seems like the purest, most self-contained type of
creativity -- turning the events, images, and ideas of one's
life into a written story --is a destroyer. Writing
about one's memories, trimming, padding, moving them around,
reshaping them until they fit a readable or "tell-able"
form, changes these memories in great or small ways.
What the writer remembers after her act of creation is not
her memory of the event that is the subject of her essay or
story, but the written account of her memory (as quoted in
the Chronicle of Higher Education, 09/27/02).
Publishing a memoir, as with
giving an oral history, is an exercise in both remembering and
performing. Bernard Cooper, writing in Baxter's The
Business of Memory (1999), notes
that "The process of writing a memoir is insular, ruminative,
a mining of privacies; once published, however, the book
becomes an act of extroversion..., a performance of self
rather than its articulation. The gap between these two
experiences -- the creation of a memoir and the ramifications
of having written one -- is wide enough, it seems to me, to
bewilder even the most poised and gregarious among us".
Memoir! A sweet word that, year
after year, liberates writers caught between
genres. Tell the story of your own life and you
get some of the liberty of fiction and all the
authority of nonfiction.
Virginia Heffernan
New York Times Book Review,
07/14/02
|
Link
to a page on memoir.
Link
to a page on memory in literature.
Memorabilia and Souvenirs
Many people save items from
travel or special occasions -- matchbooks and shampoo bottles
from restaurants and hotels, orchids from the senior prom,
pressed in a favorite book. These mementos are literally
retrieval cues, prompts that help us to remember some
event. Debra A. Klein has written of her own
collection: "When I can't get away, I can still retreat
to these places. They are preserved forever, or at least
for decades, not just in a corner of my mind but also in a
corner of my room. With bags of memories to sift
through, I will always be able to relive my journeys, even
after I reach the point in life when I'm not going anywhere"
(Those Tiny Soaps? Memories, My Dear", New York
Times Travel Section, 06/09/02; also Letters on Travel,
06/30/02).
Souvenirs are retrieval
cues, helping us remember the places we've been and the things
we've done there. But they serve a variety of other
functions, as noted by Rolf Potts in his book, Souvenir
(2018), who notes that souvenirs fall into several different
categories, and perform several different functions (see
"Souvenirs 101" by Stephanie Rosenbloom, New York Times,
04/15/2018). Rosenbloom notes that buying a souvenir
might satisfy a gift-giving custom, like the exchange-of-gifts
ritual in Japan; or it may comfort a traveler who performs a
familiar activity (shopping) in an unfamiliar place, reminding
the traveler of the people back home for whom the souvenir is
being bought, or to whom it will be displayed. It may
effectively slow down time in an ephemeral experience.
It can advertise worldliness ("Look where I've been!").
Souvenirs can symbolize the traveler's aspirations for more
travel, and escape. And they can become part of what I
have called "the material culture of the self"
(this is my term). Rosenbloom writes:
Indeed, in the end, Souvenir
suggests that the meaning of a keepsake is not fixed (its
importance to the owner can change over time), and that its
significance is bound up in the traveler's identity. "When
we collect souvenirs," Mr. Potts writes, "we do so not to
evaluate the world, but to narrate the self."
The story begins the moment we take a trinket off a shelf, buy
it and walk out of the store. The object can then become
part of our personal history, "a way of mythologizing our own
lives," Mr. Potts says. And ever more so in an age of
Instagram, he told me recently, when conspicuous consumption
plays out in real time, making the objects we choose to keep
seem even more personal. He himself has had plenty of
keepsakes displayed around his home... -- things that remind him
not merely of the places he's been and the people he's
encountered, but of former life phases.
"Try as I might to articulate to other people the meanings and
back stories of these objects," he writes, "they ultimately
exist as a kind of private sign language that only I can
understand."
|
"Constructing
Memory", the Rosie the Riveter Memorial in Richmond,
California, honoring American women's labor during World
War II. Design by Susan Schwartzenberg and Cheryl
Barton. Dedicated October 2000. Selected through a
1998 competition open to West Coast artists, the design
is described by the artists as a "construction metaphor
exploring the symbolic connection between building ships
and the reconstructive processes of human memory" (from
the Rosie the Riveter website). |
Art of Memorial? The Forgotten History
of Canada's War Art by Laura Brandon "explores the role
of art in the shaping of Canadian memories of wartime" (Nina
C. Ayoub, "New Scholarly Books", Chronicle of Higher
Education, 07/28/07).
See also:
- At Memory's Edge: After-images of the
Holocaust in Contemporary Art and Architecture by
James E. Young (2000). Young was also co-curator of an
exhibit, "The Art of Memory: Holocaust Memorials in History"
at the Jewish Museum in New York City and elsewhere
(1994-1995),and editor of The Art of Memory, the
exhibition catalogue for this show. Young is currently working on a history of
the debates over the
9/11 memorial, tentatively entitled The Stages of Memory at
Ground Zero: A Juror's Report on the World Trade Center
Memorial Process.
- Memorial Mania: Public Feeling in
America by Erika Doss (2010).
- Monument Wars Washington, D.C., the
National Mall and the Transformation of the Memorial
Landscape by Kirk Savage (2010). The National Mall
is now filled with monuments and memorials, but originally it
was more park-like. savage notes that the Founding
fathers viewed monuments and memorials as tainted by European
monarchy and aristocracy. It was only in the 20th
century that various memorials began to appear there.
- The Missing of the Somme by Geoff
Dyer (2011) looks at how World War I is remembered in European
battlefield memorials (particularly by Edward Luytens), and
in literature (e.g., the war poetry of Wilfred Owen and
Rupert Brooke). Joanna Scutts, reviewing the book in the
Wall Street Journal ("Their Name Still Liveth".
08/6-7/2011), writes: "Memorialized even before it was
completed, 'the war was fought in order to be remembered' -- a
striking contrast to the present day, when wars are forgotten
while they're still being fought".
- How We Forgot the Cold War: A
Historical Journey Across America by Jon Weiner (2012),
a left-learning historian at UC Irvine, visits American
monuments, memorials, and other historic sites associated with
the Cold War. He learns that the effort to memorialize
the Cold War, on a par with World War II, has failed in the
face of "public indifference, skepticism and apparent
indifference to what historians have called 'cold war
triumphalism.'"
- Written in Stone: Public Monuments in
Changing Societies (1998) by Sanford Levinson, looks at
the differences between Civil War memorials in the North and
South, and Soviet-era memorials in post-Soviet Russia and
Eastern Europe. He notes how, especially in the American
South, memorials to African-American figures such as Martin
Luther King, Jr., have been erected to dilute the impact of
earlier memorials -- which, however offensive, cannot be
removed.
- As part of the commemoration of the
centenary of the beginning of World War I, the New York
Times travel section published "Over There", a series of
articles by Richard Rubin, who visited the various American
war memorials in France and elsewhere in Europe.
The 9/11 Memorial Museum opened at Ground Zero
in lower Manhattan in 2014. Adam Gopnik wrote a review of
the Museum, with notes on other memorials (including Maya Lin's
Vietnam Memorial, and on civic memorials in general, in the July
7-14, 2014, issue of the New Yorker:
The site contains more
contradictions, unresolved and perhaps unresolvable, than any
other eight acres in Manhattan. A celebration of liberty
tightly policed; a cemetery that cowers in the shadow of
commerce; an insistence that we are her to remember and an
ambition to let us tell you what to recall; the boast that we
have completely started over and the promise that we will
never forget -- visitors experience these things with a
free-floating unease.
Writing in Smithsonian magazine, Elliot
Ackerman notes that "most of our national memorials are dedicated
to our wars" ("War and Remembrance", 01-02/2019). By that he
means specific wars, which had an end -- something like
"V-E Day" or "V-J Day" (neither any longer celebrated) or even
April 30, 1975 -- the day that Saigon fell, ending the Vietnam
War. The immediate stimulus for Ackerman's article, however,
was the Global War on Terror, begun in the wake of September 11,
2001. Of course, there are memorials to the events of September
11, and the people who died in them, and many individual
communities have erected their own GWOT memorials (a particularly
moving one, discussed by Ackerman, is at Boston's Old North
Church). But the memorial he is interested in would be on
the National Mall in Washington, D.C. -- where the Vietnam
Veterans Memorial is sited; and there is a legal prohibition on
erecting war memorials on the Mall until at least 10 years after
the war's conclusion. As
Ackerman puts it, "How do we pay tribute to the fallen in a
conflict that might never end?". In fact, Congress passed an
exception for the GWOT memorial, and a design competition, like
the one that yielded the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, will be held
sometime in the future (this entry is written in 2019).
Ackerman's own idea for the design (he himself is a SWOT veteran,
having served with the Special Forces in Iraq) is simply stunning,
and well worth searching out the article to read his description
and rationale.
Charleston,
Charlottesville, and Civil War Memorials
Two
events galvanized a debate in the United States over monuments
and memorials commemorating the Confederacy and Confederate
"heroes" of the Civil War.
- On
June 17, 2015 a 21-year-old self-proclaimed white racist
(who shall go nameless), who had appeared in a photo posted
on a white-supremacist website posing with a Confederate
flag, shot up a prayer meeting at the historic Emanuel
African Methodist Episcopal Church (also known as "Mother
Emanuel") in Charleston, South Carolina, killing 9
people. Subsequently, the S.C. legislature Governor
Nikki Haley ordered that the Confederate battle flag, which
had flown over the S.C. State House from 1961 to 2000, and
over a Confederate memorial on State House grounds since
then, be taken down and relocated to a historical museum
elsewhere in Charleston.
- On
August 11, 2017, hundreds of a large group of right-wing
white nationalists, including neo-Nazis, Klansmen and KKK
supporters, and Confederate sympathizers marched through the
University of Virginia, in Charlottesville, to protest plans
to remove a statue of Robert E. Lee from a city park (they
carried lighted "tiki torches", and chanted slogans such as
"Jews will not replace us", making the whole event look like
something out of Adolf Hitler's 1934 Nuremberg Rally, as
depicted in Leni Riefenstahl's 1935 film, Triumph of the
Will). The next day, August 12, one of the
participants in the Friday night parade (who shall also go
nameless) rammed his car into a group of peaceful
counter-demonstrators, killing one person and injuring at
lest 19 others.
Subsequently,
a number of officials in several southern cities and states
(e.g., Baltimore, Maryland; Nashville, Tennessee; Lexington,
Kentucky; Durham, North Carolina; and Jacksonville, Florida)
called for the removal or relocation of public monuments that
are symbols of the Confederacy. There had been
controversy in the Old South over such proposals before, but
in the wake of Charleston and Charlottesville, the issue took
on new urgency. "Opponents of Confederate Symbols see
them as celebrations of racism and slavery, but their
defenders say they are historically important and accuse
critics of erasing the past or attacking white or Southern
heritage" ("State Leaders Call for Confederate Monuments
to be Removed" by Liam stack and Christina Caron, New York
Times, 08/15/2017).
And it's not just in the Old South. Yale University
removed the name of John C. Calhoun, who as a senator, cabinet
member, and vice-president advocated slavery and white
supremacy, from one of its residential colleges (Calhoun had
been a Yale graduate -- as if that were a good reason for
having named the college for him in the first place).
And Princeton University had to confront the question of what
to do about Woodrow Wilson, a former president of the
university, and namesake of its School of International
Relations, who as President of the United States had imposed
racial segregation on the federal Civil Service.
Never mind that many of the individuals depicted on the
monuments were, technically, traitors (Lee, Jefferson Davis)
and sometimes war criminals as well (Nathan Bedford
Forrest). The monuments ask us to remember these men as
heroes to the "Lost Cause" of the South.
And never mind that most of the monuments were erected long
after the Civil War had ended, at the time of the "Jim Crow"
era in the South in the 1920s, or as backlash to the Civil
Rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. In fact, the
embrace of Confederate symbols by neo-Nazis and other white
supremacists shows that Confederate symbolism has everything
to do with race, and little or nothing to do with Southern
identity and nostalgia. Even some people whom we would
ordinarily expect to support Southern identity and nostalgia
recognize this: some great-great-grandchildren of Robert E.
Lee, Jefferson Davis, and Stonewall Jackson (not to be
confused with Andrew Jackson) have advocate for their removal.
The entire conflict is,
essentially, a conflict over memory: how slavery, the Civil
War, and the Confederacy, is to be remembered by history.
Was the Civil War about slavery, or was it about
states' rights, taxes, and and even if was about slavery (which of course it was),
there were other famous individuals, such as George Washington
and Thomas Jefferson, whom we honor even though they
themselves owned slaves. Not to mention Andrew Jackson,
whose policy of relocating Native Americans from the
southeastern states probably counts as genocide. Why not
remove their statues as well. The answer given by most
historians is that Washington and Jefferson fought the
Revolutionary War to establish the United States, and Jackson
(for all his other faults) at least was President of the
United States, while Lee, Davis, Forest, and the other leaders
of the Confederacy fought to destroy the Union. Still,
most historians are nervous about erasing history.
They'd rather see it reinterpreted, and the statues themselves
relocated to museums.
The 400th
anniversary of the arrival of the first African slaves
in what was to become the United States provided an
opportunity for Americans to reflect on the role of
slavery in the nation's history, and of course in the
Civil War. So how should Americans remember
slavery? In Learning from the Germans: Race
and the Memory of Evil (2019), Susan Neiman draws
inspiration from the way that Germans handled the memory
of the Holocaust (see "Slavery and the Holocaust: How
Americans and Germans Cope with Past Evils", a review of
the book by Deborah Lipstadt, an historian of the
Holocaust, in the Wall Street Journal,
09/07/2019; also "A Heritage of Evil" by Michael Garra,
New York Review of Books, 11/07/2019). In
the years immediately following World War II, Germans
practiced a kind of "moral myopia": the communist
government in East Germany claimed that all the Nazis
were in the West, while the democratic government in
West Germany claimed that only the Nazi leadership knew
about the mass murder of Jews and others, and even
appointed former Nazis to high government positions (the
United States, for its part, got Werner von Braun and
his colleagues to lead its rocket program, conveniently
forgetting that all of them had worked on the German
rocket program in the War). Stimulated by the
televised trials of Adolph Eichmann and other Nazi war
criminals, the children and grandchildren of the Nazis
sought a more honest account of their recent
history. In America, similarly, Northerners viewed
slavery as an institution of the South, while
Southerners blamed slavery on Africans who sold the
slaves to Northern ship captains involved in the
triangular trade of slaves from Africa to the Americas,
raw materials from the Americas to Europe, and
manufactured goods from Europe to Africa.
Southerners also perpetuated a sentimental view of the
"noble lost cause" of states rights, and of slavery
itself as a mostly benign institution. Neiman
points out that some Germans, like some Southerners,
construed themselves as victims of World War II -- "We
suffered too, ...we too were victims", and occasionally
you can find in Germany memorials to the suffering of
the German people -- e.g., a memorial in Landshut to the
millions of German-speakers (Volksdeutsche) who
were expelled from various European countries after the
war ended. Still, contemporary German culture is
characterized by widespread acceptance of German wartime
evils. Neiman points out, for example, that while
there are memorials to the Volksdeutsche, there
are no "Hans Wehrmacht" equivalent to "Johnny Reb"
statues, nor any statues to Nazi generals. Rather,
most German war memorials engage in what the Germans
call Vergangenheitausfarbeitung or Vergangenheitsbewaltigung
-- two of those amazing German words that translate
roughly as "working through the past" or "mastering the
past". The story of how the Germans did it -- how
they are still doing it -- holds lessons for us here in
America. Throughout, Neiman explores the
difference between "historical scholarship and ordinary
public memory".
See a series of articles that appeared in
2017, as the "monuments debate" was heating up:
- "In
Monument Debate, Calls for an Overdue Reckoning on Race
and Southern Identity" by Campbell Robertson, Alan
Blinder, and Richard Fausset, NYT 08/18/2017;
- "In
Charlottesville, Some Say Statue Debate Obscures a Deep
Racial Split" by John Eligon, NYT, 08/19/2017);
- "Confederate
Leaders' Descendants Say Statues Can Come Down" by Maggie
Astor and Nicholas Fandos, NYT, 08/20/2017);
- 'The
Lees Are Complex': Descendants Grapple with Rebel
General's Legacy" by Simon Romero, NYT,
08/23/2017).
- "Historians
Question Trump's Comments on Confederate Monuments" by
Jennifer Schuessler, New York Times, 08/16/2017;
- "Why
Confederate Monuments Must Fall" by Karen L. Cox, a
historian at the University of North Carolina, Charlotte,
NYT, 08/16/2017;
- "Charlottesville
Violence Spurs New Resistance to Confederate Symbols" by
Nicholas Fandos, Richard Fausset, & Alan Blinder, NYT,
08/17/2017;
- "Trump
Aside, Artists and Preservationists Debate the Rush to
Topple Statues" by Robin Pogrebin and Sopan Deb, NYT,
08/19/2017);
- "Confederate
Statues and 'Our' History" by Eric Foner, NYT,
08/21/2017);
- "Why
Lee Should Go, and Washington Should Stay" by Jon Meacham,
NYT, 08/22/2017).
Postscript: In June 2020, Ralph Northam, the governor of
Virginia, ordered that a massive statue of Robert E. Lee,
which had dominated the main square of Richmond (formerly the
capital of the Confederacy) to be removed. A (white)
woman interviewed on CNN objected, on the grounds that the
statue represented not just history, which would be a
reasonable argument for its preservation but "the history of
white people" -- which really gave the game away, didn't it?
For a photo essay on Confederate
memorials, see "Reclaiming History", text by Phillip Morris
and photographs by Kris Graves, in National Geographic,
02/2021.
Memory Championships
The year 2007 saw the 10th
annual USA
Memory Championships, in which competitors memorized
long lists of names and faces, strings of numbers, decks of
cards, and poems. The winner of the championship,
founded by Tony Dottino, a former executive at IBM, will then
compete in the World Memory
Championships. An article on the American series
indicates that most of the competitors relied on various
mnemonic strategies to perform their feats. For example,
one competitor memorized a deck of cards by assigning each
card a letter -- A for Ace, B for deuce, and so on, and then
naming each card for a celebrity (so that, for example, the
ace of spades became Arnold Schwarzenegger). How this is
supposed to help isn't clear, as assigning letters to each
card, and then relating each named card to a celebrity, should
only increase the load on memory. But this just
increases the mystery associated with high-levels of mnemonic
skill. (See 'It Was a Day to Remember for America's
Mental Athletes" by Joanne Kaufman, Wall Street Journal,
03/15/07.)
The contemporary American
artist Robert Morris (b. 1931) makes explicit use of
Bartlett's "method of serial reproduction" in his Memory
Drawing series of 1963. In this work, simply
Morris writes out a text that he has committed to memory: over
the five drawings of the series, the reproduction of the text
becomes increasingly full of errors. Here is the entire
series, reproduced here by courtesy of the Leo Castelli
Gallery (thanks to Robert Morris and Ricky Manne for arranging
this).
See Inability to
Endure or Deny the World: Representation and Text in the
Work of Robert Morris by Terrie Sultan, catalog of an
exhibit of Morris's work at the Corcoran Gallery of Art,
Washington, D.C., 1990-1991.
'He who controls the past,
controls the future: so wrote George Orwell in Nineteen
Eighty Four (written 1948; published 1949). the novel
tells the story of Winston Smith, a clerk in the Ministry of
Truth, who alters newspapers and other documents in accordance
with the pronouncements of Big Brother and the Party, and
destroys the old versions by dropping them down the "memory
hole". In Orwell's vision, political control is
exercised through the control of information, including the
control of memory: "Who controls the past, controls the
future. Who controls the present, controls the past."
Interestingly, Orwell wasn't
above using the memory hole himself. Bernard Crick,
author of the authorized biography of Orwell, found it
difficult to corroborate some of the incidents reported in
Orwell's autobiography, and in his personal essays.
Louis Menand notes one instance, from one of the "London
Letters" Orwell wrote for Partisan Review during World
War II, ("Honest, Decent, Wrong", New Yorker,
01/27/03). Orwell had reported that park railings
were being dismantled for use as scrap metal, but only in
working-class neighborhoods, not upper-class ones. "When
a friend pointed out that [the story] was untrue, "Orwell is
supposed to have replied that it didn't matter, 'it was essentially
true'".
Orwell's point about the
control of information is illustrated by many totalitarian
regimes, and their fates. To take one example, the
Christmas 1989 revolution against the Ceausescu regime in
Romania did not begin in Bucharest, the country's capital, but
in the provincial city of Timisoara. Why there?
Ceausescu and his family and cronies exercised total control
of state media, and there were few if any independent media
outlets available, Timisoara was within range of radio and
television stations in Italy, Hungary, and Yugoslavia, so the
people there had access to the news that the Communist
countries of eastern Europe were coming apart at the
seams. For a dramatic account of the Christmas
revolution, see Andrei Codrescu, The Hole in the Flag: A
Romanian Exile's Story of Return and Revolution (Morrow,
1991).
The memory hole is not just
a technique of totalitarian regimes. The temptation to
wipe out bad collective memories is present even in the most
open, democratic societies, like the United States.
- After the terror attacks of September 11,
2001, Joan Didion reminds us that advertisers and commercial
film and television producers often removed images of the
World Trade Center towers from their products ("Fixed
Opinions, or the Hinge of History", New York Review of
Books, 01/16/03).
- On May 31, 2002, the United States
Department of Education eliminated everything on its website
that did not "reflect the priorities, philosophies, or goals
of the present administration [of President George W. Bush]",
including the informational digests prepared by the
Educational Resources Information Center (ERIC).
nevertheless, many of these documents have been archived by The Memory Hole.
"The Memory Hole"
(www.thememoryhole.org), a website maintained by Russ Kick, is
dedicated to the preservation and dissemination of material,
especially government files and corporate memos, "that exposes
things that we're not supposed to know (or that we're supposed
to forget)". See "Peeking Behind the Curtain of
Secrecy" by Tom McNichol, New York Times, 11/13/03.
See also National Memory and The Memory Police.
Memory
Laws
The Fall 2022 issue of the Journal of Academic Freedom,
an online publication of the American Association of University
Professors, is devoted to the topic of "Memory
Laws or Gag Laws? Disinformation Meets Academic Freedom."
According to the editors, the
call for papers was inspired by last year’s onslaught
of partisan legislation that targeted teaching about race and
racism in K–12 schools and, in many states, at public colleges
and universities. The onslaught continues this year as new bills
make their way through state legislatures and as politicians
stoke fears that learning about the history and legacies of
genocide, slavery, and systemic racism will make white students
uncomfortable. While such external interference poses immediate
threats to the academic freedom of many US educators, we
encourage prospective authors to consider these threats in a
broader, international context—where we see precedents for
crossing the line between memory laws that aim to prevent
disinformation and gag laws that promote disinformation.
The editors' examples of "memory laws", and "gag laws"
generally, included
- Book and idea bans, educational gag order bills, and
other forms of censorship.
- The 1619 Project versus the 1776 Project, and the
academic profession.
- Doublespeak in educational policy, including the use of
free speech rhetoric to suppress education about racial,
gender, and LGBTQ+ inequalities.
- Strategies for truthful pedagogies and content on racism,
racial inequality, and oppression.
- Features of recent Republican “memory laws” or case
studies of legislation in specific states such as Florida or
Texas.
- Attacks on Black history, critical race theory, and
ethnic, Indigenous, and gender studies.
- Indigenous peoples’ history and decolonization struggles.
- Comparative approaches to memory laws, history, and
academic freedom.
Memory Plays
A theatrical genre related
to the literary memoir, a memory play is one in which the
narrator, usually an adult, reflects on an earlier time when
he or she underwent a life-changing experience. The
classic example is Tennessee Williams' The Glass Menagerie
and Suddenly, Last Summer (the latter based on events
in the life of Williams' beloved sister, Rose).
The narrator in The
Glass Menagerie, Tom Wingfield, defines the concept:
"The play is memory. Being a memory play, it is dimply
lighted, it is sentimental, it is not realistic; in memory
everything seems to happen to music".
Other salient examples:
- Dancing at Lughnasa, by Brian
Friel.
- Madame Melville, Goodnight
Children Everywhere, and Franny's Way by Richard
Nelson.
- The Tricky Part, by Martin Moran,
a "theatrical memoir" (actually, a monologue), of the author's
three-year sexual relationship, when he was a very young
teenager, with another man. In an interesting case of
life imitating art which was imitating life, The Denver
Post published a pair of articles that identified the
man in question, and provided details of his abusive
relationship with other boys ("Memory Play: A Cathartic Can of
Worms" by Jesse McKinley, New York Times, 04/21/04).
- Follies, the musical-cum-light
opera by Steven Sondheim (1971, revived countless times since,
and for good reason). Two couples, aging into
unsatisfactory marriages (the women were both veterans of the
"Weismann Follies", a revue modeled on the Ziegfeld Follies),
lapse nostalgic on the stage of their old theater, now
condemned.
What is a Memory
Play?
In its 2022-2023 season, the Arizona Theater Company
accompanied its production of The Glass Menagerie
with a helpful essay on the idea of a "memory play":
The Glass Menagerie is often described as a
memory play. Just what does that mean? In the stage
directions, Tennessee Williams writes, “The scene is
memory and is therefore nonrealistic. Memory takes a lot
of poetic license. It omits some details, others are
exaggerated, according to the emotional value of the
articles it touches, for memory is seated predominantly
in the heart.”
A memory play is therefore a play that is set apart
from reality. In The Glass Menagerie, the
events of the play are being remembered through the lens
of Tom’s experiences. Thus, each event is colored by his
perspective. Memory plays must have a narrator – someone
whose memories guide the audience through the events of
the play.
Memory plays became popular in American playwriting
after World War II. During this time, many American
playwrights starting using the power of memory as a
narrative device. The concept of memory allowed them to
construct nonlinear plots and intense character
development.
As a memory play, Tennessee’s Williams’ The Glass
Menagerie explored territory that was new and
exciting to theatre goers because it was something that
had never been seen before.
Other Memory Plays:
To Kill A Mockingbird
The Kite Runner
Dancing at Lughnasa
How I Learned to Drive
I Never Sang for My Father
Side Man
|
George Orwell had his memory hole. Ray Bradbury, in Fahrenheit
451, had "firemen" who burned books. In both cases,
people had to rely on memory to preserve history and
culture. But what if there was no memory, as well as no
newspapers or books? That's the premise of The Memory
Police, a novel b Yoko Ogawa, first published in Japanese in
1994 and translated into English by Stephen Snyder in 2019 (see
"Daring to Remember", a review of the book by Anna Mundaw, in the
Wall Street Journal, 08/24/2019; also "'Read Receipts' On:
Two Dystopian Novels Predict the Surveillance State" by Julian
Lucas, New York Times 09/08/2019 -- the title refers to a
feature in Microsoft Outlook by which the sender of a message can
determine whether it's been opened by the recipient). The
novel is set on an island where people and things have been
disappearing, and the memories of them disappearing too. The
protagonist is a mother (her young daughter is one of the few
inhabitants who is immune to whatever is causing the
disappearances (and the amnesia). Those people who can
remember are identified and rounded up by the Memory Police, and
promptly disappear. As the Memory Police pursue the
daughter, who has become a writer, she and her editor take refuge
in the house of an old man. At one point the narrator asks
"How does it feel to remember everything? To have everything
that the rest of us have lost saved up in your heart?"
Memory Studies is a scientific
journal devoted to the interdisciplinary study of memory,
including the social sciences, humanities, and arts, as well
as the usual psychology and cognitive science.
Established in 2008, its founding editors were Amanda Barnier,
Andrew Hoskins, Wulf Kansteiner, and John Sutton.
According to its statement of aims, Memory
Studies "examines the social,
cultural, cognitive, political and technological shifts
affecting how, what and why individuals, groups and societies
remember, and forget. The journal responds to and seeks to
shape public and academic discourses on the nature,
manipulation, and contestation of memory in the contemporary
era.... Areas of dialogue and debate will include:
Everyday remembering; Collective, public, social and shared
memory; Biography and history; Schema and narrative; The
ethics of remembering and forgetting; Commemoration and
remembrance; Organic and artificial memory; Media and
mechanisms; Documentation and archive; Holocaust memory;
Cosmopolitanism and globalization; Cultural memory and
heritage; Catastrophe and trauma; Nation and nostalgia; Oral
history and the culture of the witness; Memory and the
politics of identity."
See Scholarly Journals for a list of -- what else? -- other
scholarly journals devoted to memory.
Memory Tables
Memory tables, typically
containing pictures and other mementos of the deceased, are
often featured at funeral homes during visitation sessions,
funerals, or memorial ceremonies. They similar to the ofrendas which figure
in the celebration of El
Dia de los Muertos (The Day of the Dead) in
Meso-American cultures.
Link to an advertisement for a wrought-iron memory
table designed and made by Kendall LeCompte, and available for
sail by Iron Station, a store specializing in iron crafts.
Forgetfulness figures
prominently in the complaints associated with menopause, just
as they do in other aspects of normal aging. However,
memory function in menopause has rarely been studied with
rigorous laboratory method. A longitudinal study of
women by P.B. Meyer et al. (Neurology, 2003),
surprisingly, found that memory functions actually improved
as women aged, even for those who had entered (or continued
through) menopause. Meyer et al. offer a number of
interesting hypotheses to explain this surprising result, but
it may be that their experimental techniques, involving
"short-term" memory functions tested by the digit-span and
digit-symbol tests, were simply not representative of the
everyday circumstances in which these women experienced
forgetfulness. Alternatively, the memory complaints may
have been related to menopause-related depressive mood, as
opposed to menopause itself. Research on menopause and
memory should take care to use ecologically valid memory
tests, and also distinguish between the effects of menopause
per se, the reaction to menopause, and normal aging.
See also Aging, Depression.
Merle Oberon's Memories of Tasmania
Hollywood (and Tasmanian)
legend has it that Merle Oberon, the actress, was born and
raised in Tasmania (as was Errol Flynn, another famous
actor). However, in 1978, visiting Tasmania with her
fourth husband, Oberon let slip at an official banquet that
she had actually been born in Mumbai (Bombay), India.
Nevertheless, "She was surrounded by Tasmanians who vividly
recalled her and assured her that they knew both her parents
well. 'In Tasmania, we tell stories to reassure
ourselves we have not slipped unnoticed over the rim of the
world', a Tasmanian historian wrote of the Oberon affair"
(William Grimes, reviewing In Tasmania by Nicholas
Shakespeare in the New York Times, reprinted in the International
Herald Tribune, 06/06/06 -- Shakespeare gives a full
account of the episode).
Mnemonics
Mnemonic devices help us to
remember lists of things, like the notes of the treble clef
("FACE", "Every Good Boy Deserves Favor"), the lengths of the
months ("Thirty days hath November...."), or the 12 cranial
nerves "On Old Olympus' Towering Tops a Foolish Austrian Grew
Vines and Hops"). Cullen Murphy has suggested that
mnemonic devices should be added to UNESCO's list of Masterpieces
of
the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity
("Immaterial Civilization", Atlantic Monthly, 9/01).
It's clear why mnemonic
techniques were popular in ancient Greece and Rome, where
literacy was rare, paper was expensive, and printing virtually
nonexistent. But why should mnemonics have persisted
into the Renaissance, even after the invention of movable
type? Anthony Grafton, reviewing Giordano Bruno:
Philosopher/Heretic by Ingrid Rowland, suggests an
answer ("'But They Burned Giordano Bruno'", New York
Review of Books, 11/20/2008, pp. 76-77):
To readers who spend their
days in front of computer screens, the art of memory sounds
not just archaic, but antediluvian -- the kind of thing that
might be used in carnival performances, rather than a feat
to astonish the learned. In Bruno's world, however,
memory mattered. Rowland suggests that it offered a
way to impose order on the growing masses of files produced
by the diplomats and bureaucrats of the time, some of whom
complained that they were drowning in seas of paper.
This seems unlikely:
clerks and lawyers all over Renaissance Europe were already
devising new filing systems, which eventually grew into
archives designed to handle exactly this problem.
Rather, as Ann Blair, Noel Malcolm, and others have taught
us, it was readers at every level, from kings to clerics,
who needed help. Scholars had to master the classics
so they could quote and imitate them, as Bruno himself
regularly did; statesmen and merchants wanted tools with
which to control, master, and evaluate the flood of texts
that poured from Europe's printing presses, offering
information about lands that might be conquered, converted,
or at least traded with. Readers of many kinds worked
pen in hand, decorating the margins of their books with
content summaries; often they copied out excerpts and stored
them under topical headings in notebooks (card systems wee
developed in the seventeenth century). As shelves
groaned and notebooks swelled to bursting, memory remained
the only thread that could lead one back through paper
labyrinths to the facts and data that mattered.
One would think that, in this age of paper and
pencil, not to mention hand-held devices with voice-to-text
capacity, mnemonic devices would have outlived their
usefulness. But they still have their uses.
Consider the case of Tony Judt, the political historian who
was struck by an aggressive variant of amyotrophic lateral
sclerosis ("Lou Gherig's Disease"), which -- within about a
year of diagnosis -- rendered him quadriplegic, paralyzed from
the waist down, and requiring an assistive breathing device.
By last February, Judt
could no longer move his hands. "I thought it would be
catastrophic,", he recalls matter-of-factly. How would
he write? He discovered that a lifetime of lecturing --
often without notes and in complete sentences and full
paragraphs -- had trained him to think out loud. He
can now, "with a bit of mental preparation," dictate "an
essay or an intellectually thoughtful e-mail." Unable
to jot down ideas on a yellow pad, Judt has taught himself
elaborate memorization schemes of the sort described by the
Yale historian Jonathan D. Spence in his 1984 book, The
Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci. Like Ricci, a
16-th century Jesuit missionary to China, Judt imagines
structures in his head where he can store his thoughts and
ideas. The basic principle: Picture entering a large
house; turn left and there is a room with shelves and
tables; leave a memory on each surface until the [room]
fills. Now head down the hall into another room.
To retrieve your memories, to reconstruct a lecture or
recall the content and structure of an article, you re-enter
the building and follow the same path, which should trigger
the ideas you left behind.
"It works," Judt
says. In fact, he tells me, his mental acuity has
grown stronger over the past year. He compares his
situation to that of a blind person with uniquely sensitive
ears, or of a deaf person with extraordinary eyesight.
"I knew it to be theoretically true that when you are
deprived of everything else, the thing you are not deprived
of gets better," he says. "But it has been very odd to
experience that in practice." After a moment, he goes
on: "I'm a 61-year-old guy, I'm not as sharp as I was when I
was 51. But the things I could do last year I can do
better this year." ("The Trials of Tony Judt", by E.R.
Goldstein, Chronicle of Higher Education,
01/15/2010).
Judt also described his
technique in another interview:
You've spoken to the Guardian
about how your condition has led you to write with the aid
of a memory palace. Can you walk me through it? What kind
of furniture is there?
Sure. Well, first, it's not a memory palace—I'm
not a sixteenth-century Italian aristocrat. It's a memory chalet,
because I like Switzerland
. In my mind's eye, it's a building about the size of a
large Swiss house or a very small Swiss hotel, with cute
little gables and pretty little red and white flowers in the
windows. I go in, and on the left, let's say, there will be
a little room where you keep skis and boots and sleds, and
on the right there will be a toilet. And in the next room
there'll be a kitchen on the left, and on the right there'll
be a little dining area or something. And maybe if you go to
the hallway toward the back, there's a large living area.
There will be a staircase in the back, which is where they
are in Swiss chalets, going up to the bedrooms.
Now, I'm lying in bed—it's not much
fun, lying there thinking about this thing, a particular
chapter, or story, memoir or complicated argument—and I
think, How is it going to be organized? The first part will
go down with the ski boots, on the left. Then I go into the
kitchen and there's a series of drawers, and in each of the
drawers there will be, maybe with the silverware, the
introduction. The main argument will be with the china, or
in the pasta cupboard—the pasta cupboard might be convenient
because it will make me think of substance. And so it goes
until I've got the whole ground floor, roughly speaking,
packed away. And then I'll go through it once more. And the
next morning, while I'm waiting to be set up, given my
coffee, washed and so on, I go through the mind of the Swiss
chalet again, and in each of the relevant bins and rooms and
so on I will easily remember what goes where. If I'm lucky
and the thing was worth preserving, which it may not be,
when my assistant, Eugene Rusyn, comes in I can say, I've
got an idea for a little memoir; can you jot down some
points before we start writing? And that's how it works.
("Talking with Tony Judt" by Christine Smallwood, The
Nation, 05/17/2010)
Patient Communications
Unlimited has produced "Differential Diagnosis Mnemonics and
the Medical History", software designed by Allan Platt for a Palm Pilot PDA,
which includes a large number of mnemonic devices for use in
taking a patient's history and making a medical diagnosis.
Joshua Foer's book, Moonwalking
with Einstein: The Art and Science of Remembering Everything
(2011) recounts his training in mnemonic devices on his way to
competing in the World Memory Championships. The book
contains a history of mnemonics, as well as an intriguing
discussion of their present-day application -- especially the
"memory palace" version of the Method of Loci. Foer's
book is reviewed by Michiko Kakutani in the daily New
York Times ("Remember How Important
It Is Not to Forget"), 03/07/2011,
and by Alexandra Horowitz in the
New York Times Book Review ("How
to Memorize Everything", 03/13/2011). See also Foer's
article, "Secrets of a Mind-Gamer", in the New York Times
Magazine (02/20/2011), and the subsequent letters to the
editor (NYT Magazine, 03/06/2011) -- including the
following e-mail from "Kay" in Zurich:
The whole memory-training
business is a scam that plays into people's fantasies of
being able to change who they are, becoming
super-intelligent and having perfect memory. What this
article fails to stress is that memory training works only
in the special area that you train in. The Nature
study [2003]... found that those world champions didn't fare
better than normal people on memory tasks that they hadn't
practiced.... so practicing memorizing random numbers
will make you better only at memorizing random
numbers. It won't improve how often you forget your
keys.
Link to a page of resources on mnemonic devices in
the arts, business, history, humanities, math, science, and
around the house.
Link to a page of mnemonic devices useful in
physiology.
Monuments
See Memorials and Monuments.
Movies
Memory and its failures
commonly feature as themes in the movies. Think about
Kurosoawa's Rashomon, Hitchcock's Spellbound,
Arnold Swartzenegger in Total Recall, or Memento.
In an article in the New
York Times (12/23/01), John Leland
noted that "amnesia rides again in Hollywood, reflecting a
culture that until a moment ago had little use for
remembering". Whereas an earlier generation of amnesia
movies reflected the "social dislocations" of World War II,
Leland argues that the new batch reflects the a historical
thinking and emphasis on self-reinvention that was
characteristic of the 1990s. Link
to Leland's article.
Click here for an ongoing list of films, classic and
recent, good and bad, in which memory or amnesia play a
prominent role in the plot.
Music
Music bears a special
relationship with memory. For example, the work of the
American composer Charles Ives often attempts to represent
events from his personal history. As Alex Ross noted in
a recent New Yorker essay (10/08/01, p. 78),
On May 7, 1915, the
Lusitania was sunk by a German torpedo, taking with it
more than a thousand lives. Later that day, in
downtown Manhattan, an insurance executive and part-time
composer named Charles Ives was sanding on an Elevated-train
platform when he heard a barrel organ playing "In the Sweet
Bye and Bye." One by one, those around him began to
sing along: first, a workman with a shovel, then a Wall
Street baker in white spats, and finally the entire motley
crowd. "They didn't seem to be singing in fun", Ives
recalled, "but as a natural outlet for what their feelings
had been going through all day long." Ives recorded
the experience in an orchestral work entitled "From Hanover
Square North, at the End of a Tragic Day, the Voice of the
People Again Arose." It was intended to capture "the
sense of many people living, working, and occasionally going
through the same deep experience together."
"The Housatonic at Stockbridge", a movement
in Ives' Three Places in New England, "enshrines the
memory of a summer walk that Ives took with his wife, Harmony,
along the banks of the Housatonic River in the Berkshires (Alex
Ross, "Pandemonium: A Celebration of Charles Ives", New
Yorker, 06/07/04). Ross continues:
"Ives seldom evoked the past without also suggesting the
emotional distortions of memory. Indeed, this might be one
of Lincoln's 'mystic chords of memory' -- not yet touched, it
seems, by those long-awaited better angels of our nature."
Writing of a performance of Ives's "The
Housatonic at Stockbridge", a movement of Three Places in
New England, the critic Paul Griffiths noted that Ives's
music was "analogous to a river's swirling, to the experience
of time (whereby the present is always overlaid with memory,
fantasy, and expectation)..." (New York Times, 09/26/02).
Link to a description of the programs on "Music
& Memory: A Season-Long Exploration of How Music Evokes
the Past, presented by the American Symphony Orchestra (Leon
Botstein, Music Director) during its 2001-2002 concert
season. This page also contains links to the ASO's
program notes for the concerts.
Narrative Therapy
Narrative therapy is an
approach to psychotherapy that encourages patients to analyze
the stories they tell, and the stories they are told, about
themselves. Introduced in the late 1980s by Michael
White, a psychotherapist at the Dulwich Centre for
psychotherapy in Adelaide, Australia (www.dulwichcentre.com.au),
narrative
therapy assumes that peoples' lives and the relationships are
shaped by the stories about themselves that are told in their
families and other communities, and helps people to
"re-author" their life-stories in a manner that they find
preferable and more fulfilling. Narrative therapy is
obviously related to psychoanalysis, which also involves
storytelling, except that there is no assumption that the
stories being told are historically accurate. Because
these stories are negotiated in a family context, narrative
therapy is also related to family therapy. Because
narrative therapy focuses on the story, not on history, and
makes no judgment as to whose story is "truer" or "better", in
a sense it is a "post-modern" form of therapy.
An article on the occasion
of the Thanksgiving holiday points out that family gatherings
often involve the telling of stories about family members
("Don't Be the Turkey at a Family Reunion" by Deborah Baldwin,
11/21/02). These stories are often embarrassing, and
that's part of the fun, but they can also promote stereotypes
that no longer match the subject's identity. As we
change, we update the stories of our lives, but we also need
to update the stories that other people tell about us.
Moreover, different family members may have different
narratives concerning the same events; these stories need to
be reconciled somehow. (There is a whole magazine, Reunions, devoted to techniques for organizing and
getting through these events).
Books on narrative therapy:
- Narrative Means to Therapeutic Ends
by M. White & D. Epston (Norton, 1990)
- Story Re-Visions: Narrative Therapy in
the Postmodern World (Guilford, 1994)
- Psychoanalysis and Storytelling by
Peter Brooks (Blackwell, 1994)
Narratology
In literary studies, narratology
is the term given to the formal analysis of narratives.
The term itself was apparently coined in 1969, based on a 1966
aphorism by the French postmodern critic Roland Barthes
(itself a play on a line from Sophocles' Oedipus at
Colonus: "Numberless are the world's narratives".
As defined by Robert Scholes and Robert Kellogg, narrative
consists of "all those literary works which are distinguished
by two characteristics: the presence of a story and a
story-teller" (The Nature of Narrative, 1966).
Peter Books has written that narrative "is one of the
principal ways in which we organize our experience of the
world -- a part of our cognitive tool kit that was long
neglected by psychologists and philosophers" (quoted by
William Safire in "Narrative: The new story of story", New
York Times Magazine, 12/05/04). There is now a
Society for the Study of Narrative, which publishes a journal,
Narrative, devoted to narratological research; there is
also a Narrative listserv on the internet.
Because so much of
autobiographical and everyday memory consists of stories,
narratology connects the psychology of memory to literary
studies. Theories of storytelling began with Aristotle,
but the Oxford Companion to English Literature (6th
ed., 2000, ed. by Margaret Drabble) locates the modern
tradition as beginning with V. Propp's distinction (in Morphology
of the Folktale, 1928) between the what and the how of narrative. Propp further argued that
there are 31 basic elements or functions in all folktales, appearing in a fixed
order. Similarly, A.J. Greimas argued that all stories
revolve around six basic roles, or actants: subject,
object, sender, receiver, helper, and opponent. With
respect to narrative technique, W.C. Booth (The Rhetoric of
Fiction, 1961) made distinctions between the "real" and
the "implied" author of a novel, and between "reliable" and
"unreliable" narrators. This last concept is especially
important for the study of memoir: while first-person
narratives are very compelling to the reader, the fallibility
of memory means that the writer may well be an unreliable
narrator.
For a recent survey of
narrator types and narrative orders, see also G. Genette, Narrative
Discourse (tr. 1980).
Nostalgia
Nostalgia is defined as a sentimental yearning
for the past, but as John Tierney points out, it can also be
bittersweet, because it implies that the past was somehow
better, more desirable, than the present (see "Fond
Remembrances" by John Tierney, New York Times
(07/09/2013.). Tierney quotes from the Stephen
Sills Song, "Suite: Judy Blue Eyes": "Don't let the past remind
us of we are not now". In his article, Tierney describes
recent research on nostalgia by social psychologists, chiefly
Constantine Sedikides of the University of Southampton, who has
developed the Southampton
Nostalgia Scale to measure individual differences in this
tendency (Sedikides et al., Emotion, 2012).
Nostalgia was once viewed negatively: it's original description,
by Johannes Hoffer, a Swiss physician, in 1688, characterized it
as a "neurological disease of essentially demonic cause".
More recently, it was characterized as an "immigrant psychosis"
or a type of melancholia. Sedikides argues for a more
positive interpretation,as a cognitive activity that can give us
an emotion uplift.
An alternative assessment of nostalgia is
provided by the Nostalgia Inventory devised by Krystine
Batcho. Commenting on Batcho's work in the Wall Street
Journal (12/09/2017), Jennifer Breheny Wallace writes that
"What separates nostalgia from ordinary personal memories is its
bittersweet quality. Nostalgia is happy and comforting but
also tinged with a sense of loss or sadness about a time that
can never be captured again. That longing does more than
evoke a warm, fuzzy feeling. Psychologists say that it can
inspire us to live fuller lives by bringing into focus the
people and experiences that have mattered most to us in the
past."
Simone Signoret, the French actor, titled
her memoir Nostalgia Isn't What It Used to Be (1978) --
which was a good joke, but she was more right than she
knew. Tobias Becker, in Yesterday: A New History of
Nostalgia (2023; reviewed by Thomas Mallon in "Now and
Then", New Yorker, 11/27/2023) points out that nostalgia
used to refer to a longing for another place; only relatively
recently has it come to mean a longing for another period of
time. As a cautionary tale about nostalgia, Mallon cites
the final scene in Thornton Wilder's Our Town:
At the end of “Our Town,” the now dead
Emily is warned by the Stage Manager not to exercise the
privilege of going back to haunt a day that remains lovely in
her memory: if one does that, “you not only live it; but you
watch yourself living it.” Just as death ruins life, the
present ruins the past. What one wants is to sink deeper, more
completely, into the past—a desire that prevents any artistic
revival, whether it’s a new treatment of an old era or a
remake of an existing work, from giving full satisfaction.
One’s critical and comparative faculties can never be fully
suspended.
He also notes recent psychological research
on nostalgia:
In 2013, the Times reported on the research of Dr.
Constantine Sedikides and his contribution to the development of
the Southampton
Nostalgia Scale: “Nostalgia has been shown to counteract
loneliness, boredom and anxiety. It makes people more generous
to strangers and more tolerant of outsiders. Couples feel closer
and look happier when they’re sharing nostalgic memories. On
cold days, or in cold rooms, people use nostalgia to literally
feel warmer.”
Nostalgia goes even deeper than that, so deep
that one wonders if it isn’t a neurological condition, something
fundamental and immune to the vagaries of history. As people
begin living beyond their Biblical allotment of seventy years,
they experience the first exaggerated panics over forgetting a
name or a date, which is usually remedied by a Google search.
But then comes the growing realization that short-term memory
has nothing like the staying power of the long-term variety.
Mentally, the seven ages of man speed up their full-circling,
until the past’s sovereignty over the present is complete. The
further along one gets, the more one understands that the past
is indeed another country, and that, moreover, it is home.
Long-term memory’s domination of short may be a hardwired
consolation that nature and biology have mercifully installed in
us.
Other recent studies of nostalgia, cited
by Mallon, include Retromania by Simon Reynolds
(2011) and Retrotopia by Zygmunt Bauman
(2017).
Sedikides's research on nostalgia is
summarized in "The Psychological, Social, and Societal
Relevance of Nostalgia", Current Opinion in Psychology
(2023).
Obituaries
Most people
don't get autobiographies written about them, or publish memoirs
themselves, but for many the obituary -- a full-page
spread that begins on the front page of the New York Times
or a couple of column inches in the local paper -- is a source
of collective memory about an individual -- a public
representation of a person's life, and a vehicle for others to
remember, and be reminded of, him or her. Some obituaries
are prepared well in advance of the person's death, while others
are written on the spot by professional journalists. Some
obituaries are prepared by the family of the deceased, some are
prepared by the deceased him- or herself (in advance, of
course). Two letters to the advice columnist "Dear Abby" (Contra
Costa Times, 09/30/03) illustrate some of the problems of
obituaries as memories. In one case, a man's obituary was
prepared by his second wife, mentioned her and their children,
but completely omitting mention of the decedent's first wife and
their children. In the other, Wayne K., of
Puyallup, Washington, noted that he wrote his own obituary, and
arranged for its publication in his local newspaper, as part of
advance preparations for his memorial service -- which he
intends to hold at age 80, and attend, assuming he is still
alive. On writing his own obituary, Mr. K. wrote:
"I did it
because I wanted people to remember what I wanted them to
remember about me, rather than leaving that decision to
someone else."
Ofrendas,
(offerings) are common features of celebrations of El Dia de los Muertos
(The Day of the Dead) in Meso-American cultures. Like the
memory
tables offered by North American funeral parlors, they are
opportunities to reminisce about the departed
person.
See also Descansos, R.I.P.
Shirts.
Oral History
The writing of
history has been traditionally based on diaries, documents, and
other written sources. Recently, however, historians --
especially social historians -- have taken an interest
in historical data, such as the memories of the participants in
historical events, that does not exist in written form, and must
be collected and transcribed before it is analyzed . Oral
history provides information about the impact of events on the
lives of ordinary people that would not necessarily be found in
the documents left by elites. At the same time, it raises
interesting issues of individual and collective
memory.
Because oral
history involves the participation of human subjects in ways
that history written from documentary records does not,
oral-history research has sometimes come under the purview of
university committees established under federal regulations for
the protection of human subjects. The argument is that the
publication of oral histories might prove embarrassing,
compromise privacy, or pose some other risk, to the
informants. However, some oral historians and other social
scientists (such as faculty in anthropology and journalism) have
argued that oral histories pose little or no risk. In
September 2003, the federal Office for Human Research
Protections ruled that oral histories do not fall under its
definition of research involving human subjects, because their
goal is not to yield "generalizable principles of historical or
social development", but rather to explore "a particular
past". The decision has been well-received by major
organizations of historians, but the downside is that it might
imply that oral history fails to meet the standards of rigorous
social science. (Source: "Federal Agency Says Oral-History
Research is not Covered by Human-Subject Rules" by Jeffrey
Brainard, Chronicle of Higher
Education, 10/31/03.)
Read a short essay on oral history and memory,
with links to relevant Internet resources.
"Organizations
have records and other ways of recording history. These
records are more or less accurate, more or less complete, more
or less shared, and more or less retrievable at some future
date. How organizational memory functions and how t
functions differently at different times and for different parts
of the organization are questions that considerably affect the
pattern of organizational beliefs. The tendency to use or
activate different parts of an organizational memory will vary
across individuals as well as organizational subunits" (James G.
March, Decisions and Organizations; Oxford: Basil
Blackwell, 1988, p. 349).
Organizations
are specific forms of institutions, themselves shaped by a wider
field of institutional processes, as well as the characteristics
of their individual members. Although organizations have a
concrete existence (e.g., as an academic department in a
university) that more abstract institutions may lack, at some
point, organizations themselves may be subject to
institutionalization.
Scott (1995)
quotes the sociologist Robert K. Merton:
There may
ensue, in particular vocations and in particular types of
organization, the process of sanctification... through
sentiment-formation, emotional dependence upon bureaucratic
symbols and status, and affective involvement in spheres of
competence and authority, there develop prerogatives
involving attitudes of moral legitimacy which are
established as values in their own right, and are no longer
viewed as merely technical means for expediting information
("Bureaucratic Structure and Personality", in Social
Theory and Social Structure, originally published in
1940; 2nd ed., 1957, p. 202)
Thus, although
universities did not possess departments as such in the 19th
century, it seems almost inconceivable that a new university
would not have them. And the institutionalization of
discipline-based departments, such as psychology and sociology,
may serve as impediments to interdisciplinary inquiry.
Just as
individual persons have memories, so collectivities of persons,
like organizations, can also be said to have memories.
Within organizations, such as academic departments,
organizational memory is sometimes embodied in a long-time staff
member who has seen many department chairs come and go.
But Levitt and March argue that "the lessons of experience are
maintained and accumulated within routines despite the turnover
of personnel and the passage of time. Rules, procedures,
technologies, beliefs, and cultures are conserved through
systems of socialization and control" ("Organizational
Learning", in the Annual Review of Sociology,
1988). This more abstract, and for that matter more
collective, form of organizational memory is of particular
interest. How do organizations learn, and remember, and
forget? Is there organizational amnesia?
For
introductions to the sociology of institutions and organizations
(none of which make any particular mention of institutional
memory), see:
- Perrow, C. (1986). Complex
organizations: A critical essay (3rd ed.). New
York: McGraw-Hill.
- Powell, W.W., & DiMaggio, P.J. (Eds.)
(1991). The New Institutionalism in Organizational
Analysis. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Scott, W.R. (1992). Organizations:
Rational, natural, and open systems. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
- Scott, W.R. (1995). Institutions
and organizations. Thousand Oaks, Ca.: Sage.
- Singer, J.E., & Druckman, D.
(1997). Enhancing organizational performance (report of
the Committee on Techniques for the Enhancement of Human
Performance, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and
Education, National Research Council). Washington, D.C.:
National Academy Press.
See also Institutional Memory.
Photography
In the film American
Beauty (1999), one of the characters, who is constantly
recording the events around him on videotape, says "video is a poor
excuse, I know, but it helps me to remember". Since the
invention of photography, photographers and critics have been
concerned with the relationship between photography (in all
its forms) and memory. In fact, the relationship between
a photograph and the thing it captures has always been
problematic. Henry Fox Talbot, an early photographer,
described photography as " the art of fixing a shadow" and Henri
Cartier-Bresson discussed "the decisive moment" which appears in all great
photographs.
A recent essay in the New
York Times ("Memories Live in Ansel Adams
Dreamscapes" by
Sarah Boxer, September 1, 2001), on the occasion of an exhibit
of photographs by Ansel Adams organized by the San Francisco
Museum of Modern Art, discusses the role of memory in Adams'
body of work (the problem of memory is also discussed by John
Szarkowski, the exhibit curator, in a catalog essay).
While his contemporary Edward Weston thought that
photography captured "the thing itself", Adams believed instead that
photographs represented the subjective feeling state of the
photographer at the moment before the image was taken. Even in Adams'
earliest pictures, taken as a teenager at Yosemite with a
Kodak Brownie, Szarkowski writes that "the snaps were memory aids; it was
the memory that was the essential thing". Later, as a professional,
such sequences of near-identical pictures as those of Mount
Robsin (1928) or of the California surf off San Mateo County
(1940), appear to some critics to be successive attempts to
represent a single memory. Click here to
read Boxer's article.
Memory is also relevant to
the work of Henri Cartier-Bresson (1908-2004), whose
photographs documented many of the 20th century's most
momentous events. Cartier-Bresson was well known for
both formal portraits (e.g., of Matisse, Sartre, and Mahatma
Gandhi minutes before his assassination), and photojournalism
(as a member of the French Resistance during World War II,
Cartier-Bresson documented the German occupation and
withdrawal; after the war, with Robert Capa and others, he was
a founder of Magnum Photos). In both lines of work,
Cartier-Bresson sought to capture "the decisive moment" (the usual translation of Images
a la Sauvete, or "Images on the Run", the title of his
1952 book) -- "the
simultaneous recognition in a fraction of a second of the
significance of an event, as well as the precise organization
of forms that give that event its proper expression". Whereas
Ansel Adams apparently reworked his photographs in the
darkroom to represent his memory of his own emotional state,
Cartier-Bresson generally refused even to develop his own
pictures, attempting to capture the event itself -- true
snapshots that, in his words sought to "'trap' life -- to preserve life in
the act of living. Above all, I craved to seize the
whole essence, in the confines of one single photograph, of
some situation that was unrolling before my eyes.
(Quotes from "Cartier-Bresson,
Artist Who Used Lens, Dies at 95", by Michael Kimmelman, New
York Times, 08/05/04).
The advent of digital photography, and the
ability to upload "selfies" and other photos taken on one's
cellphone to the internet to share with friends (and
strangers) via services like Facebook and Twitter, has led
some commentators to worry about the consequences of this
widespread cultural practice for memory -- consequences that
are both positive and negative -- much as Plato, in the Phaedrus,
warned about the harm that the proliferation of writing
would do.
If men learn this
[writing], it will implant forgetfulness in their souls; they
will cease to exercise memory because they rely on that which is
written, calling things to remembrance no longer from within
themselves, but by means of external marks. What you have
discovered is a recipe not for memory, but for reminder.
In an essay on "The End of
Forgetting", Ben Rowen reflected on "the machinery of memory", and
how photography altered nostalgia, which he defined as "a
sentimental longing for bygone times" (The Atlantic,
06/2017). He quotes Susan Sontag, in On Photography
(1977), who wrote photographs "actively promote nostalgia... by
slicing out [a] moment and freezing it". On the other hand,
he quotes Nancy M. West, author of Kodak and the Lens of
Nostalgia (2000), that the production of cameras intended
for amateurs "allowed people... to arrange their lives in such a
way that painful or unpleasant aspects were systematically erased"
-- I guess by not photographing them, or my destroying the
pictures.
Rosen argues that, in the past, nostalgia was triggered
spontaneously by certain environmental cues; but now, with such
cues literally as close to hand as your cellphone, "we can
experience nostalgia on demand".In fact, he suggests that we can trace a
timeline of the machinery of memory, beginning with written
artifacts such as diaries, and running through various advances in
photography from the daguerreotype to the Kodak "Brownie" camera
to home movies and home video to the GoPro camera and selfie
stick, and ending, sometime in the not-to-distant futures, with
the ability to digitally reconstruct our memories by reading
patterns of brain activity. Rowen suggests that "As technology gives gives
us unprecedented access to our memories, might we yearn for the
good old days when we forgot things? He cites three such
technological advances, which in his view lie not far in the
future:
- 3-D technology will allow user to
transform 2-D photographs into three-dimensional spaces,
affording "the feeling of traveling through childhood
landscapes".
- Virtual reality will allow users "to view
a scene from the vantage point of a child rather than from
that of a taller adult".
- New neuroscientific techniques (pioneered
by UCB's own Prof. Jack Gallant) will allow us to record the
activation patterns in the brain associated with particular
memories, creating "backups of our memories".
For more on nostalgia, see Nostalgia: A
Psychological Resource (2015) by Clay Routledge.
"No
one ever takes a photograph of something they want
to forget."
Sy Parrish (played by Robin Williams)
One Hour Photo (2002)
|
Like coins and currency, postage stamps can be
valuable archives of collective memory. For example, in
the run-up to the turn of the 21st century, the United States
Postal Service issued issued a series of stamps, press sheets,
and commemorative panels celebrating notable people, iconic
objects, and major events of each decade of the 20th century
-- the "Celebrate the Century" series of stamps.
For
a good example of how collective memory is preserved in
postage stamps, see An American History Album: The Story
of the United States Told Through Stamps (2008) by
Michael and Jordan Worek. Quoting from the back cover:
Throughout its history, the United
States has celebrated its achievements, honored its heroes and
recorded its history by issuing commemorative postage
stamps. These miniature works of art tell us about the
diversity and settlement of the land; advances in transportation
and communication; civil and foreign wars; and the
accomplishments of the political, military and civic leaders who
served the republic and shaped its future.
See also "The
Culture of Stamps: Cultural Touchstones Are Vital to a Stamp's
Purpose" by Thomas W. Broadhead (American Philatelist,
10/2016). From his first paragraph:
Nations and their peoples define
themselves by their history and culture, and geographic
boundaries are only of secondary importance. A single
nation can be a mosaic of cultures, and larger nations
predictably exhibit a diversity that can be amazingly great and
also troubling. The cultures of nations are displayed to
the world through language, art forms, government systems, and
technology. They are the heritage, the DNA of
nations. All of these, in turn, find their ways as images
on postage stamps.
Then again, stamps and stamp collecting can be
seen as just another aspect of consumerization. That seems
to be the point of Stamping American Memory: Collectors,
Citizens, and the Post (2018; "open access" version available
at https://aps.buzz/2PLeMfx) by Sheila A. Brennan (which
received a scathing review by Fred Baumann in the American
Philatelist, official magazine of the American Philatelic
Society (12/2018). Baumann quotes Brennan:
Regular postage stamps bought at a local post
office would be used to send a letter or package for service
rendered, while collectors wrote or visited the [United States
Post Office Department] Philatelic Agency to buy limited-issue
commemorative stamps for saving. As the USPOD solidified
its role as a producer of collectibles, it created an
infrastructure to support the consumption of stamps.
Leading by example, the USPOD encouraged Americans to buy and
save stamps it crafted to celebrate a triumphalist vision of
the American past and present.... The turn of the [20th]
century marks a transition for the USPOD, from an organization
indifferent to collecting to one that actively participated in
collecting culture.
Yeah, maybe. I'll admit that it's
sometimes grating to see so much popular culture, as opposed to
national history, on American postage stamps. But then
again, popular culture is part of collective memory, too.
And that's the larger point of Brennan's monograph: that the
United States, like other countries, use postage stamps to promote
national identity and consciousness by celebrating their
history. Setting aside Baumann's aversion to the vocabulary
of the digital humanities ("dig-hum"), I actually think that
Brennan got the story right. And what she wrote about was a
good thing.
Customized Stamps as
Threats to Collective Memory
Nations, including the
United Nations, print their own postage stamps -- stamps whose
subjects, at least in principle, reflect the collective
experience and history of the people of those nations.
However, beginning in 2004, Stamps.com, a commercial firm,
offered to print personalized postage stamps with photos of
customers' children, pets, vacation trips, or anything else ("Postage Stamp
Pictures Not Just for Celebrities", by the Associated Press, Contra
Costa Times, 08/11/04). To the extent that this
service catches on, and people begin to use their own "homemade" stamps instead of
those issued by their government, we will lose this aspect of
our collective, national memory.
Apparently, the service has
caught on. After a hiatus following a trial period in
2004, in May 2005 the United States Postal Service once again
authorized the production and sale of customized stamps --
which are, really, metered mail. And with
re-authorization came a debate over the merits of the service
("Vanity Postage" by Eric Wilson, New
York Times, 12/22/05). According to Wilson, the
American Philatelist Society has endorsed the technology and
is even developing a set of customized stamps to celebrate
important events in postal history. On the other hand,
Robert Paul Reyes, a columnist for the Lynchburg
(Virginia) Ledger, has decried customized stamps as "sacrilegious". As
quoted by Wilson, Reyes wrote that "Stamps are mirrors of
societies. They are a history of a nation. When I
look at people putting photos of their pet cats or
grandchildren on a legal postage stamp, that trivializes them
a bit".
Link to Malcolm C. Dizer and "History in
Philately"
Link to vendors:
Stamps.com: www.photostamps.com;
also Endicia.com; Zazzle.com.
Proust
Marcel Proust's
seven-volume A la Recherche du Tempes Perdu
(1913-1927) is of course the classic literary treatment of
memory. While drinking tea with his mother, the taste of
a madeleine, a sweet tea-cookie, brings back memories of
Marcel's childhood in Combray. Originally translated by
C.K. Scott Moncrieff for the Modern Library as Remembrance
of Things Past (Moncrieff's translation was revised by
Terence Kilmartin and then by D.J. Enright), a new
translation, published by Viking and based on a new French
edition published by Pleiade, has appeared as In Search of
Lost Time. On the right, a cartoon by Amy Kurzweil from the New
Yorker, 11/25/2019).
Of this title change, Andre
Aciman writes:
[D.J.]Enright had made "cosmetic" changes to Scott
Moncrieff's Remembrance of Things Past and changed
its title to In Search of Lost Time, this, of
course, being an exact translation of the French.
Conversely, however, Remembrance of Things Past,
derived from Shakespeare's Sonnet 30, was a good enough
title, and changing it was like deciding to change the title
of the Book of Genesis to In the Beginning ("Far from Proust's
Way", New
York Review of Books, 12/15/05).
The individual volumes are (in Moncrieff's
translation):
- Swann's Way
(originally published 1913; translation 1922; Aciman's review
appeared in NYRB, 12/01/05)
- Within a Budding
Grove (1919, 1924; Aciman's review of the new
translation appeared in NYRB, 12/15/05).
- The Guermantes Way
(1925)
- Cities of the Plain
(1927)
- The Captive
(1929)
- The Sweet Cheat Gone
(1930)
- Time Regained
(1927, 1931)
In 2013, the
centennial of the publication of Swann's Way was
celebrated by a number of marathon readings of the novel, modeled
after the marathon readings of James Joyce's Ulysses every
"Bloomsday" (June 16). See "More to Remember than
Just the Madeleine"
by Fennifer Schuessler, New York Times, 11/08/2013.
In a retrospective essay on Proust, Adam Gopnik distinguishes
among six "Prousts" ("Peripheral Proust", New Yorker,
05/10/2021):
- the
"Period Proust", who gives us a portrait of Belle Epoque
France;
- the
"Philosophical Proust", influenced by Henri Bergson's theory
of time (and, for that matter, of memory);
- the
"Psychological Proust" concerned with human motivation;
- the
"Perverse Proust", writing openly about homosexuality;
- the
"Political Proust, concerned with French anti-Semitism; and
- the
"Poetic Proust", who writes wonderful phrases and sentences.
In discussing
the Philosophical Proust, Gopnik offers an entirely different
perspective on the Madeleine Episode. In his view, this
doesn't represent the spontaneous return of an unbidden,
involuntary memory; rather, the retrieval of his childhood memory
was the result of active effort (emphasis added):
Proust front-loads his novel with
his philosophy of time. One of the oddities is that its most
famous incident happens within the first dozen pages, and is,
nonetheless, isolated from the rest: the narrator (Proustians
haughtily resist identifying him with Proust himself, or
referring to him as Marcel, though he obviously is) eats the
crumbs of a madeleine dipped in lime-blossom tea and is suddenly
thrust back to his childhood at Combray. (The town was based on
Illiers, an hour outside Paris, though in later volumes Proust
quietly moved Combray much farther north and east, so that it
could participate in the battles of the Great War.) His premise
is that everything remains inside ourselves, including the past,
not just in schematic outline but in its full sensory
elaboration. The little smells and sounds are in there along
with the big traumas and events. But, as readers may not
recall, the memory event isn’t the unbidden association of a
sensory clue with a suddenly materializing memory. On the
contrary, the event is the result of an effortful process
often met with failure:
Will it ultimately reach the clear surface of my
consciousness, this memory, this old, dead moment which the
magnetism of an identical moment has traveled so far to
importune, to disturb, to raise up out of the very depths of
my being? I cannot tell. Now I feel nothing; it has stopped,
has perhaps sunk back into its darkness, from which who can
say whether it will ever rise again? Ten times over I must
essay the task, must lean down over the abyss. And each time
the cowardice that deters us from every difficult task,
every important enterprise, has urged me to leave the thing
alone, to drink my tea and to think merely of the worries of
today and my hopes for tomorrow, which can be brooded over
painlessly.
Proust’s celebrated account of time’s
relativity, dancing above or outside experience, though
persuasively detailed, is not terribly original. It’s little
different from the one that Shakespeare had long before put in
Rosalind’s mouth: “Time travels in divers paces with divers
persons.” Its apparent likeness to Einstein’s theory of special
relativity has been much promoted, recently by the French
physicist Thibault Damour, in his book “Once Upon Einstein.”
Proust does seem to have become politely aware of Einstein,
though rather as a contemporary writer might be of string
theory—as a popular metaphor or two drawn from various newspaper
writeups. But the similarities are strictly limited. Einstein’s
insight was not that “everything is relative” but the opposite:
his paradoxes of time are really paradoxes of timekeeping, and
are the consequence of his introduction of an absolute, fixed
standard—the speed of light. A revival of Sol Invictus worship
was as reasonable an aftershock of Einstein’s theories as
ideational relativism. In any case, a great novel could be
written that intimates and parallels Einstein, and a bad one
could be written that intimates and parallels Einstein. Proust’s
book makes its own light.
The Philosophical Proust’s view of time is
tied to his larger view of the primacy of mind—in which what we
imagine matters more than what we see—and it is this view that
shades over, more profitably, into the Psychological Proust. We
think that we are living in the world, he insists, when we are
living only in our minds.
For more readings on Proust and A la
Recherche:
Proust's Way: A Field Guide to In Search
of Lost Time by Roger Shattuck (2000). An earlier
book, Proust's Binoculars,(1963), "explored Mr.
Shattuck's belief that an event, originally fleeting and
meaningless, may later by some reflex be recalled and seen,
this time in true focus, as with binoculars" (from Shattuck's
obituary by Douglas Martin, New York Times,
12/10/05).
The Proust Project, edited by Andre
Aciman. (Farrar Straus Giroux/Turtle Point Press, 2004)
contains, among other entries, an essay by Shirley Hazzard
explaining how Proust's work got its new English title.
Aciman reviewed two recent biographies of Proust in the New
York Review of Books ("Proust Regained", 07/18/02).
"Cognitive Realism
and Memory in Proust's Madeleine Episode" by Emily T. Troscianko. Memory Studies
6(4), 437-456 (2013).
Relationships
When two (or more, I
suppose) people enter into a relationship, they begin to
acquire each other's memories; and when they separate, as in
divorce, each partner begins to acquire a store of memories
that is no longer shared with the other (and may be shared
with someone else). During their time together, of
course, couples acquire a fund of shared memories. But
one person's memory of an event can differ from another's, and
even in the closest of relationships these memories can become
contested ground.
Consider the song, "I Remember It Well", from the film Gigi (1958), directed by Vincente Minnelli from a
story by Collette:
He:
We met at nine.
I was on time.
Ah yes! I remember it well.
|
She:
We met at eight.
No, you were late.
|
We dined with friends
A tenor sang.
A yes! I remember it well.
|
We dined alone.
A baritone.
|
That dazzling April moon!
|
There was none that night,
And the month was June.
|
That's right! That's right! |
|
|
It warms my heart to know that
you remember still the way you do
|
Ah yes! I remember it well.
|
|
How I've often thought of that Friday
night,
when we had our last rendez-vous.
And somehow I've foolishly wondered
if you might by some chance be thinking of it too?
|
Monday
|
That carriage ride.
You lost a glove
A yes! I remember it well.
|
You walked me home.
I lost a comb.
|
That brilliant sky.
Those Russian songs.
Ah yes! I remember it well.
|
We had some rain.
From sunny Spain
|
You wore a gown of gold.
Am I getting old?
|
I was all in blue.
Oh no! Not you!
|
|
How strong you were,
how young and gay;
A prince of love in every way.
|
Ah yes! I remember it well. |
|
|
Lyrics by Alan Jay Lerner
Tune by
Frederick Lowe
|
Remembrance Day (aka Veterans Day)
The run-up to the 100th anniversary of the beginning of World
War I led to a number of commentaries on Remembrance Day (as
it is called in the United Kingdom) or Veterans Day (as it is
known in the United States). Originally dedicated to remembering those who fell
in World War I, both holidays
now commemorate all their respective countries' war
dead. One result is, in the words of Hew Strachan, "On Remembrance
Day we're not actually remembering anything" (quoted by
Bagehot, "We
Misremember Them",
Economist, 11/09/2013).
Reunions
Family and school reunions
are obvious opportunities for the building and sharing of
collective memories -- and, especially in the case of family
reunions, passing them on to the next generation. "While there are no
reliable statistics on how many families have reunions each
year, there are plenty of indicators that such events are
proliferating and becoming increasingly elaborate affairs" (Tamar Lewin in "Remembering the
Past, Celebrating the Future", New York Times,
08/13/04). Lewin further notes that at least nine
handbooks on reunion planning are in print, and cites a 2002
pool by the Travel Industry Association of America that found
that 1/3 of American adults had traveled to a family reunion
in the last 3 years, and nearly 1/4 had attended a reunion in
the past year.
Within the African-American
community, an upsurge of reunion activity in the 1970s and
1980s seems to have been sparked by publication of Alex
Haley's Roots.
Reunions may differ from
other family get-togethers, such as weddings and funerals,
because they focus primarily on sharing memories (this is a
researchable topic; memories are shared at weddings and
funerals, to be sure, but these memories chiefly concern only
one or two of those present). But many reunions are also
acts of collective memory in
and of themselves. For example, a family's reunion may
not take place an a location that has been selected
arbitrarily, or for convenience, but because the reunion
location has some special significance for family members --
for example, where the family patriarch or matriarch was born
or worked, the site of the family homestead, etc.
Among recent books concerned
with reunion planning are:
- A Family Affair: How to Plan and Direct
the Best Family Reunion Ever
- The Family Reunion Survival Guide: How
to Avoid Problems with Your Family without Avoiding Your
Family
At Temple University, Prof.
Ione Vargus of the School of Social Administration has established
a Family Reunion
Institute (http://www.temple.edu/fri/family
reunion) to promote reunions as a
means of preserving and strengthening the extended family.
A Right to be Forgotten?
We're always being warned that whatever we put
out on the Internet will follow us forever -- much to the
later chagrin of youth who, for example, post pictures of
themselves at drunken orgies on Facebook and then apply for
jobs on Wall
Street. But now there's hope. In 2014, the
European Court of Justice, the highest judicial body in
the European Union, has ruled that people have a "right to be
forgotten". In
a landmark
case, a Spanish lawyer brought a suit against Google
because an
internet search on his name brought up a newspaper
account of an embarrassing lawsuit. Because
the case had
long since been resolved, the lawyer argued that
the link -- though not the newspaper article
itself, of course, ought to be expunged. The
ECJ agreed
that individuals can petition database operators
like Google to remove links that are "inadequate,
irrelevant... or excessive", so long as there
is no public interest in the information being
linked (as there no longer was in this
case). The request to delete links to
personal information is roughly analogous to
requests to delete images of oneself or one's
home. Search firms can refuse,
however, in which case the individual can appeal
confined to his or her local
data-protection authority, and ultimately to the
courts.
Aside from practical questions about how to do
this (anybody
know the "local data-protection
authority" is in the US?),
there are interesting policy and psychological issues.
For example, there is the argument that search
firms like Google should be neutral with respect to
content. If there's a URL
out there, their search engines ought to be able to
find it. And,
if somebody runs for public office, for example,
perhaps voters
should have
access to all relevant information, so that they can
make judgments for themselves.
Additionally, there is the argument that it's one
thing to forgive the past, it's another thing entirely to forget
it, or to try to suppress the memory. That way
leads down Orwell's memory hole.
In the 1990s, "R.I.P. shirts", T-shirts
featuring photographs of deceased friends or family members,
began to appear on the streets of Oakland, California -- a
city with a high rate of homicide (114 in 2003), especially
among minority youth ("R.I.P.
Shirts Become an Urban Tradition" by Meredith May, San Francisco
Chronicle, 10/24/04). By 2004, the shirts had
spawned a thriving cottage industry in Oakland, with families
ordering them in bulk to be distributed at funerals. The
tradition has branched out to include sweatshirts and jeans.
By 2006, the trend had expanded to other East Bay cities, such
as Richmond ("Airbrush
Business Thrives on Richmond's Death Rate" by Ben Hubbard, West County
Times, 10/08/06).
R.I.P. shirts may have had
their origin in the shirts worn in New Orleans funeral
processions; on the other hand, Ronald Barrett, an authority
on African-American funeral practices, has suggested that they
may be derived from scarves or handkerchiefs worn to funerals
in the Caribbean. In any event, they are now especially
popular among black urban youth. According to Barrett, "R.I.P. is a way of
establishing significant linkings with the deceased and the
shirts give people something tangible they can hold onto". In this
respect, they seem to play a role similar to the ofrendas and descansos familiar in Latin-American
culture.
Roadside
Crosses (Descansos)
See Descansos,
Ofrendas, R.I.P.Shirts.
Saeculum
In the Latin Mass, the phrase in saecula saeculorum is
translated "for ages and ages" or "forever and ever" --
or, in the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, "world
without end". According to the Oxford
English Dictionary entry for secular, the saeculum in Etruscan and
Roman times referred to a period of 100 or 120
years. Even
so, this interpretation, from an autobiographical
essay by Nathan Heller, is very appealing, and gives a
new meaning to the term "living memory" ("Tribes",
New Yorker, (8/06-13/2018). An event lasts in
"living memory" as long as the last person who could have
personally experienced it is alive.
Long before the founding of Rome, the Etruscans measured time
by something called the saeculum. A saeculum spanned from a
given moment until the last people who lived through that moment
had died. It was the extent of firsthand memory for human
events—the way it felt to be there then—and it reminds us of the
shallowness of American history. Alarmingly few saecula have
passed since students of the Enlightenment took human slaves. We
are approaching the end of the saeculum of people who remember
what it feels like to be entered into total war. The concept is
useful because it helps announce a certain kind of loss: the
moment when the lessons that cannot be captured in the record
disappear.
The saeculum that shaped the current Bay Area started soon
after the Second World War and will end shortly. The lessons
that it offers should be clear to anyone who lived across that
span. To have grown up through San Francisco’s recent history is
to be haunted by the visions of progressivism that did not end
up where they were supposed to, that did not think far enough
ahead and skidded past the better world they planned. It’s to be
paranoid about second- and third-order social effects, to
distrust endeavors that cheer on sensibility more than sense.
It’s to have seen how swiftly righteous dreams turn into
cloister gates; to notice how destructive it can be to shape a
future on the premise of having found your people, rather than
finding people who aren’t yours. The city, today, is the seat of
an atomized new private order. The lessons of the saeculum have
not stuck.
Articles on memory are
published constantly in the basic general psychology journals,
such as the American Psychologist, Journal of
Experimental Psychology: General, Psychological
Bulletin, Psychological Review, Psychological
Science, and Psychonomic Bulletin &
Review. Here is a listing of specialty journals
devoted to the study of memory.
- Applied
Cognitive Psychology
(established 1987)
- History &
Memory (1989)
- Journal of
Experimental Psychology: Human Learning & Memory (split off from the Journal of
Experimental Psychology in 1975;
published under this title through 1981)
- Journal
of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, &
Cognition (formerly the Journal
of Experimental Psychology: Human Learning & Memory; renamed 1982)
- Journal of Memory
and Language (formerly the Journal
of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior; renamed 1989)
- Journal of
Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior (renamed the Journal of Memory
and Language, 1989)
- Learning and
Memory (established 1994)
- Memory (1993)
- Memory &
Cognition
- Memory &
Learning
- Memory Lines : an occasional publication of the
Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library, University
of California, Berkeley.
- Memory Studies (2008) "examines the social, cultural,
cognitive, political and technological shifts affecting how,
what and why individuals, groups and societies remember, and
forget.
- Neurobiology of
Learning and Memory (1995)
Scooter
Libby's Memory
In January 2007, I. Lewis
(Scooter) Libby, former chief of staff to Vice-President
Richard Cheney, went on trial on federal charges of perjury
and obstruction of justice related to the "Valerie Plame" affair.
Libby is charged with lying to federal agents and a grand jury
when he said that he had been told by reporters that Ms. Plame
was an undercover operative of the Central Intelligence
Agency. While the prosecution charges that Libby had
learned of Ms. Plame's identity from White House
sources. Libby's defense, in part, is that he simply
forgot, with everything else that was going on in the run-up
to the Second Iraq War, what the source of his information
was. The prosecution, for its part, presented witnesses
who testified as to their recollections of when Libby learned
of Plame's identity -- memories that are not easily
corroborated, and which in some cases were "recovered" after a long
period of forgetting. Thus, in a sense, the trial
becomes another episode in the Memory Wars, in that much of
the testimony and argument centers on issues of memory -- the
nature of remembering and forgetting, and whether one can
recover a long-forgotten memory. Even the voir dire
process of jury selection included questions about prospective
jurors' knowledge and beliefs concerning memory.
Although there were rumors of memory experts set to testify
for both sides, in the end the trial was a straightforward
presentation of witnesses whose courtroom testimony
contradicted Libby's statements to investigators and the grand
jury (on cross-examination, the defense sought to undermine
the witnesses' own memories. Libby did not testify in
his own behalf, though the jurors did hear a tape recording of
his grand jury testimony, in which he argued that his workload
led him to forget certain events. In the end, the jury
was persuaded that it simply was not possible to forget each
and every one of nine different conversations about Plame,
with eight different individuals.
The trial is detailed in a
series of articles in the New York Times beginning on January 24, 2007. For a
post-trial analysis, see "Prosecution by Logic Defeats a Defense in
Shades of Gray"
by Scott Shane (New York Times, 030707).
Scrapbooks comprise much of
the "material
culture" of
personal memory: they contain memorabilia of all sorts, and
photographs of people and occasions that are important in the
individual's life. In this sense, they are the "analog", nonverbal form of
a diary or journal. Michele Gerbrandt, edits Memory
Maker, a magazine devoted to "scrapbooking" that began in 1996. In Scrapbook
Basics: The Complete Guide to Preserving Your Memories
(Memory Makers Books, 2002), Gerbrandt suggests that
scrapbooks have their origins in the "commonplace books" in which people
collected literary passages, quotations, ideas, and
observations for personal reflection. She reports that
in 1709, the British philosopher John Locke (posthumously)
published a New Method of Making Common-Place Books
(sometimes included in editions of Locke's 1690 Essay
Concerning Human Understanding). The common-place book eventually
evolved into the modern scrap-book. In 1872 Mark Twain,
who owned a publishing firm, marketed a "self-pasting" scrap book. Scrapbooks
document personal and family histories, and record
experiences, good and bad, for later reflection. Many
personal websites, not to mention weblogs (or "blogs"), have a certain "scrapbook" quality.
Even this one.
May 1, 2004, was designated
National Scrapbooking Day (by whom, I don't know).
According to Joan Morris, "Marketing experts estimate that there are
more than 25 million serious scrapbookers in this
country. And in less than a decade, those millions have
turned a modest hobby into a $2.5 billion industry that shows
no signs of abating "Scrap
It! Hobby Combines Art, Family, History, Love", Contra
Costa County Times, 05/01/04).
Morris attributes part of the rise of scrapbooking to members
of the Mormon Church, who seek "to record and preserve the memories of
their ancestors"
as they create the genealogies required by their
faith.
The "Memory Maker Photo Bracelet,
produced by Key Item Sales, a jewelry company, is a sort of "wearable scrapbook" that permits the
wearer to share family photos without having to lug around an
entire scrapbook (see "The
Bracelet is a Highlight Reel of Your Family Scrapbook to Show
Others in the Here and Now" by Rob Walker, New York Times
Magazine, 04/04/04).
In 2005, the AARP (aka the
American Association of Retired Persons) published For
My Grandchild: A Grandmother's Gift of Memory (AARP/Sterling), providing a scrapbook-like
format for grandparents to document their lives for their
grandchildren, creating a repository for the collective memory
of a family.
See also:
- Better Homes and
Gardens Scrapbooking: Everything You Need to Know to
Preserve Your Memories, ed. by Carol Field Dahlstrom and
written by Susan M. Banker (2002).
- Scrapbooks: An
American History by Jessica Helfand (2008), an academic
study of this "virtually
unexplored visual vernacular, a world of makeshift means and
primitive methods, of gestural madness and unruly visions, of
piety and poetry and a million private plagiarisms", quite different
from the "memory
industry"
represented by the Better Homes and Gardens book.
Selected for the New York Times holiday gift book
guide (11/28/08).
According to a (possibly apocryphal)
story, Ernest Hemingway, always a terse writer to begin with,
once wrote a short story in only six words:
"For sale: baby
shoes, never worn."
Inspired by the story, Smith (as in wordsmith), a magazine dedicated to the proposition
that "Everyone
has a story, and everyone needs a place to tell it", initiated the Six-Word
Memoir Project, inviting
readers to contribute six-word memoirs. the "microblogging" project began in
November 2006, and has since generated a number of books,
including Not Quite
What I Was Planning: Six-Word Memoirs by Writers Famous
& Obscure, Six-Word Memoirs on
Love & Heartbreak, Six-Word Memoirs by
Teens, and
It All Changed in An Instant:
More Six-Word Memoirs by Writers Famous & Obscure.
Holiday-season game lists for 2011
included Six-Word Memoirs
as a board game (University): players must give six-word clues
to targets representing people, places, and things.
Link to a page devoted to memoir as a literary
genre.
Social
Relationships
Memory is so wrapped up in
relationships. Couples frequently treasure, and share, the
story of the first time they met. When we become
involved with someone, one of the measures of our involvement
is how much we share their memories (and vice-versa). When you
marry, you start sharing your in-laws' collective memories,
and when you divorce there is a kind of anterograde amnesia.
So many disputes in relationships are over memory: claims and
counterclaims about what someone did, or didn't do, avowals
and denials; failures of memory (like anniversaries); and the
inability to forget insults, mistakes, and indiscretions.
There's a lot that would be of interest here, but
unfortunately very little empirical work on this
subject. someone should do a study.
Superior
Autobiographical Memory
Profs. James McGaugh and
Larry Cahill of the University of California, Irvine, have
announced the discovery of a small group of individuals who
have exceptional autobiographical memory -- call them superretrievers.
Link
to a segment of the CBS News program 60 Minutes,
describing their findings. The discovery of such
individuals has been characterized as a "game-changer" with respect to our understanding
of memory, but I'm not so sure. A lot depends on what
game is being played.
The discovery of memory savants isn't
exactly new. There was Luria's S., of course, described in his
book, the Mind of a Mnemonist (subtitle: A Little Book about a
Big Memory), and the subject studied
by Hunt & Love (1972). Most mnemonists have been tested on
what we would now call semantic memory, but I think there's no
a priori reason why
savantitude (?) couldn't be displayed in episodic memory as
well.
There are only just a few of these folks.
McGaugh and Cahill have tested six, and then there was the one
who didn't want to be publicized. At one point Cahill said
that these folks were 6-7 standard deviations above the mean
on a test the developed for this purpose, but with 6 billion
people on God's Green Earth it's not surprising that there are
six or seven with memories like this within spitting distance
of UC Irvine. California has 38 million people, as of the 2010
census, so just by the probabilities (assuming 6 SDs out, and
applying the "six
sigma rule")
we'd expect to find about 129 such individuals in this state
alone). Now, I'd be the last person in the world to discount
the theoretical importance of interesting cases, but it
shouldn't surprise us, given the normal distribution, that
there are some people out there with extraordinary abilities
in the domain of memory.
There are a few people out there with
eidetic imagery, and some with perfect pitch, and some are
supertasters. Nobody claims that the existence of such
individuals will "recast
our notion of how [vision, or hearing, or gustation] works".
Note that the savants who get so much
attention are the "Rain
Man" types, who
are autistic, or retarded, but have some extraordinary
ability. It's the distinctiveness of the extraordinary
ability, against a background of disability ("They can't tie
their shoes"),
that draws our attention and wonder. But there's no a
priori reason why extraordinary
abilities can't occur in people who are otherwise of "normal" ability. We just
don't notice them, because the contrast isn't so great. And
also because they don't always display their mnemonic talent.
The interviews in Part 2 of the 60 Minutes segment were quite interesting in that
respect: it became clear that while these folks can,
apparently, remember
everything, they don't necessarily report everything to everybody they meet. Nor,
apparently, do they even remember everything, privately, all the time. They can
regulate both the retrieval and reporting of their memories,
so they can entertain people at cocktail parties but still not
act like jerks on the first date.
With respect to psychological theory,
McGaugh said that "we
thought we knew how memory works", implying that these individuals tell us
that we don't know how memory works, but I don't think that's
the case. All of these subjects were really good at organizing
their memories, and -- at least when I teach about memory -- "The Organization
Principle" is
one of the 7 plus or minus 2 principles that I use to describe
how memory works. Organizational theory got swept aside in the
enthusiasm for depth-of-processing, but there's a big
difference between elaborative and organizational activity,
and these people are really good at organizing their memories.
Now, they also appeared to have a proclivity for organizing
other things as well, maybe bordering on the
obsessive-compulsive. But the fact that they're obsessive and
compulsive about their memories, and organize them more than
the rest of us do, and capitalize on that organization to
retrieve memories, doesn't tell us anything about memory that
we hadn't known since Bousfield's discovery of category
clustering, and his demonstration that it couldn't be
accounted for by inter-item associations.
With respect to the neural substrates of
memory (which, remember, I don't think of as a question for psychological theory), I think that the most revealing
comment came from Cahill, who said he didn't expect to find
anything. He didn't expect to find anything, but his first
instinct was to throw Marilu Henner (one of their
superretrievers) into an MRI. What they found, apparently, was
that these superretrievers had big temporal lobes and big
caudate nuclei. Given what we know about the "medial temporal
lobe memory system",
how come he didn't predict that they'd have big temporal
lobes? Presumably because he doesn't really think that
memories are stored in the temporal lobes, and he's probably
right not to think that. So what could it possibly mean that
the superretrievers have big ones? Now, if the MTL serves a
kind of indexing function, and the caudate nucleus serves to
direct information processing, the findings might make sense.
But if we really believed this, why wouldn't we have predicted
this finding in advance?
But let's just accept the finding at face
value. The really interesting response to all of this was by
McGaugh, who posed the chicken-and-egg problem: do these
people have big memories because they have big temporal lobes,
or do they have big temporal lobes because they have big
memories? Now there's an
interesting question, and it would be nice if people asked it
more often. Maybe the exercise involved in organizing all
those memories has led to denser interconnections in these
structures, and also led them to "capture" adjacent neural territory. We'll never
know, of course, but here's another instance where the
interpretation of neuroimaging data depend utterly on the
prior availability of a valid psychological theory of the
process.
As I am all-too-fond of saying, "Psychology without
neuroscience is still the science of the mind, but
neuroscience without psychology is just the science of neurons".
Frankly, given McGaugh & Cahill's
pioneering work emotion and memory, I would have taken a
different tack, and looked at the role of adrenalin in making
people superretrievers. Perhaps they've got naturally higher
levels of adrenalin (or epinephrine) flowing, which leads them
to encode memories better without even trying. Or maybe,
setting aside memories for emotional events, injections of
adrenalin would lead anyone to become a
superretriever. I don't have any investment in this
hypothesis, but given their prior research on adrenalin and
beta-blockers, I would have thought that hormones would have
been the first place to look, not images of brain structure.
A Note on Superior Semantic
Memory. Technically, autobiographical memory is
episodic memory, because the items remembered count as
episodes in the subject's life. That's true for even
lists of words or numbers, in S.'s case. But there's
also superior semantic memory -- people who can
remember vast amounts of abstract, context-free knowledge;
people we might call "walking dictionaries" or "walking
encyclopedias". One example are the hafiz,
Muslims who have undertaken to memorize the entire Quran, the
holy scripture of Islam. Although the typical hafiz
is male, such as the boys we seen in TV news stories
memorizing the Quran, the topic of superior memory girls
and women can also undertake this task. For a photo
essay on girl hafiz, see "Lessons and Levity" by
Sabiha Cimen, National Geographic 08/2022, and Cimen's
book, Hafiz (2022).
Transient Global Amnesia
A first-person account of this syndrome
appeared in "A
Brief Vacation From Myself" by tom Fields-Meyer (New York
Times Magazine, 09/01/2013).
Your accumulated memories make you who you are -- how
terrifying is it that they can simply vanish. What
do you become then?
Trauma
The trauma-memory argument
proposes that memories of childhood and other traumas can
affect adult behavior outside awareness, and that such
unconscious memories can return to awareness even after long
delays -- a situation which recovered memory therapy is
intended to foster. Unfortunately, both the argument and the
therapy are based on case reports of unknown
representativeness, and clinical studies which are
methodologically flawed or do not consider alternative
explanations. Of particular concern is the general lack
of independent verification of the ostensibly forgotten
memories. As a result of the unwarranted inference of past
trauma, and the "recovery" of traumatic
memories of doubtful provenance, considerable damage has been
done to individual patients and their families, and to
clinical psychology as a profession, and the practice of
psychotherapy at large. The trauma-memory argument is
plausible, in at least some respects, given what we know about
the processes of remembering and forgetting; but considerably
more empirical research is needed before it can serve as a
basis for scientifically sound clinical practice. In a
series of articles, some co-authored with Dr. Katharine Krause
Shobe, I have attempted a scientific critique of both the idea
that trauma causes amnesia, and of therapeutic attempts to
recover traumatic memories. In fact, it was the
convergence of processes -- cognitive and emotional, personal
and social -- in the controversy over traumatic and recovered
memories that led to my wider interest in promoting the
connection between psychology and the other social sciences in
the study of the "human
ecology" of
memory.
Link
to a series of papers on the trauma-memory argument and
recovered-memory therapy.
Tweets (and
Twitter)
See also Diary, Facebook,
Weblogs.
Urban
Legends
Urban legends have something
of the character of collective memory. We hear a story
that "someone
told my uncle"
or "happened in
another city",
and pretty soon this story -- whether about alligators in city
sewers rats in soft-drink bottles -- -- spreads across
the culture -- these days, of course, promoted by the
Internet. are compelling, believable, and entirely
false. Still, a story that starts out as rumor, gossip,
or imagination is passed on by people who believe it to be
true, until it becomes a widely shared narrative -- a
collective memory of something that never happened.
Urban legends are a subcategory of the memes described by
the biologist Richard Dawkins.
See the Encyclopedia of Urban Legends
compiled by Jan Harold Brunwand (Norton, 2001).
Link to a short essay on urban legends as
collective memories.
Veterans Day (aka Remembrance Day)
The run-up to the 100th anniversary of the beginning of World
War I led to a number of commentaries on Remembrance Day (as
it is called in the United Kingdom) or Veterans Day (as it is
known in the United States). Originally dedicated to remembering those who fell
in World War I, both holidays
now commemorate all their respective countries' war
dead. One result is, in the words of Hew Strachan, "On Remembrance
Day we're not actually remembering anything" (quoted by
Bagehot, "We
Misremember Them",
Economist, 11/09/2013).
Vietnam in
Collective Memory
During the period of the
Vietnam war, there were frequent stories of returning Vietnam
veterans being spit on by antiwar activists. The stories
persist to this day. However, Jerry Lembke, himself a
Vietnam veteran, investigated the claim thoroughly and failed
to document even a single convincing case (The Spitting
Image, 1998). Lembke concluded that the story was
a "mythical
projection" by
people who felt abandoned and despised -- spat upon -- by the
antiwar movement and b the country at large.
Similarly, many returning
prisoners of war told of being visited by Jane Fonda during
her 1972 visit to Hanoi, and even that she participated in
their torture -- even though Fonda's only encounter with POWs
was a public photo-opportunity, and historians agree that
torture of POWs ended by 1969. For essays on the
persistence of such stories, see "You Gotta Love Her" by Tom Hayden (Fonda's
ex-husband), and "Why
They Love to Hate Her"
by Carol Burke (both in The Nation, 03/22/04).
An excellent account of the construction of Maya
Lin's Vietnam War Memorial in Washington, D.C., is A
Rift in the Earth: Art, Memory, and the Fight for a
Vietnam War Memorial b James Reston Jr. (2017).
The 09/30/03 edition of the
Wall Street Journal contains a review by Reed
Albergotti of commercial software provided by internet service
providers such as AOL that can be used to set up a weblog.
See also Diary, Facebook,
Tweets.
"What the Hell's It
Good for?"
A symposium at a recent
conference of the Society for Applied Research in Memory and
Cognition asked Alan Baddeley's famous question of
autobiographical memory.
Here's one answer, from J.M.
Barrie, author of Peter Pan: God gave us memory so that we might can have
roses in December (rectorial address at St. Andrew's, May 3,
1922, in the Oxford Dictionary of 20th Century
Quotations).
Here's another, with a nod
to Santayana: We have autobiographical memory so we can
remember our past, and not repeat it.
World Trade
Center Memorial
|
Remnants of the facade of
the World Trade Center, following the
events of September 11, 2001.
Photograph by Gary
Miller, New York Post/Rex, in The New
Yorker, 09/24/01.
|
Almost from the moment that
the World Trade Center fell, on September 11, 2001, it has
been clear that there would be some kind of memorial to the
attacks, and their victims, on the site. But there has
been considerable controversy over the nature of that
memorial. Many people favor something abstract, along
the lines of Maya Lin's Vietnam Veterans Memorial. The
rules for the memorial competition require not just that the
event be memorialized, but that each victim be remembered by
name. Representatives of "first responders" have insisted that there be some
human representation of the firefighters and others who died
in the attempt to rescue victims.
In December 2003 eight
finalists (most with some cognate of the word memory in their titles) in the memorial competition
were chosen from 5,201 submissions, but none of them generated
much positive reaction from outside critics. The
memorial proposals -- indeed, the entire process surrounding
the WTC memorial - was included in Herbert Muschamp's year-end
listing of "The
Lows" in
Architecture for 2003 ("Banner
Year for Lost Opportunities", New York Times, 12/28/03). (Personally, I find Daniel
Libeskind's design for Freedom Tower, with its symbolic height
of 1,776 feet and its reference to the Statue of Liberty, not
to mention its very name, an unfortunate exercise in jingoism
-- notwithstanding the fact that Libeskind himself is German.)
In their year-end comments
on "The Lows" in art for the
year 2003, Michael Kimmelman, Roberta Smith, and Holland
Carter had the following exchange ("Rushed Memorials and Show Bloat", New
York Times, 12/28/03):
Smith ...But the biggest disappointment
has been watching what's going on at ground zero, with
starts with a bad building. It's as if the various
selection processes have been hijacked.
Kimmelman And hurried. There is
one kind of pressure to build buildings, another to build a
memorial, which is based on assumptions that may not
necessarily be true. For instance, that the site has
to serve some role as a cemetery, or that we need to have
something quickly.
Smith I agree that speed is the main
problem. But it's a unique place because a lot of
people died there, and they weren't recovered. So it
has a particular charge.
Kimmelman Clearly something has to be
done on that site, but why do it precipitately,
notwithstanding that there are remains there and that
survivors wish it? We live in a culture that seems to be
more about moving on than about taking our time. And
so what they're doing is more about forgetting than
remembering; it's about getting something done so it seems
like we've accomplished something and don't have to thin
about it anymore.
Cotter Don't similar issues revolve
around Holocaust memorials? Like what is appropriate
-- what can be big enough to address this event?
Kimmelman The Holocaust is now more
than a half a century old, and the Holocaust Museum in New
York opened only a few years ago. Ground zero was two
years ago, and we're rushing along this process as if it
needed to be finished quickly.
Smith On ground zero I would rather
just wait.
Cotter Yes, I'm in no rush. Just
let it be as it is for the moment until people think some
more.
Kimmelman So maybe the whole
development process of the site needs to be reconsidered,
not just the memorial.
As Paul Goldberger, the
architecture critic for the New Yorker, put it ("Memories", New Yorker, 12/08/03):
One of the best ideas proposed after September
11th was to preserve the twisted and burned shards of steel
from the facade of the Twin Towers, but that seems to have
been forgotten, as f these relics were too specific, or too
painful. We have opted instead for designs that could
be commemorating any sadness, not the particular horror of
the World Trade Center disaster, and most of them have the
bland earnestness of a well-designed public plaza.
Goldberger's comment was
prophetic. In 2011, for the 10th anniversary of 9/11,
pieces of twisted steel from the WTC site were shipped around
the country and across the world to form part of individual
9/11 memorials.
The 9/11 Memorial Museum
opened at Ground Zero in lower Manhattan in
2014. Adam Gopnik wrote a review of the Museum,
with notes on other memorials (including Maya Lin's
Vietnam Memorial, and on civic memorials in general,
in the July 7-14, 2014, issue of the New Yorker:
The site
contains more contradictions, unresolved and perhaps
unresolvable, than any other eight acres in Manhattan. A
celebration of liberty tightly policed; a cemetery that cowers
in the shadow of commerce; an insistence that we are her to remember and an
ambition to let us tell you what to recall; the boast that
we have completely started over and the promise that we will
never forget -- visitors experience these things with a
free-floating
unease.
The events of 9/11 have been
commemorated every year, featuring a reading of the names of
the victims.
- For the first anniversary, in 2002, the
New York Philharmonic commissioned On
the Transmigration of Souls, an oratorio by John
Adams, perhaps America's leading living composer.
- The commemorations were especially
significant in 2011, with the dedication of the three
primary 9/11 memorials with ceremonies at the primary 9/11
memorials in New York,
at the Pentagon,
and near Shanksville,
Pennsylvania. Almost all the television networks
devoted a The New York Philharmonic performed Mahler's Third
Symphony ("Resurrection"), in a concert
broadcast live on public television.
- In 2008, for the seventh anniversary, PBS
aired Objects and
Memory, a documentary film "about how we respond to history
while it is happening and how we tell our stories through
the otherwise ordinary things in our homes and museums that
are associated with people, places, and events".
Memorials, and memorial objects, thus are a means for
creating "communities
across time".
Every September 11, a whole
lot of remembering goes on, raising the question of how long
this will last. I'm old enough to remember when Pearl
Harbor Day, and V-E and V-J Days, were still on the calendars
(they're pretty much gone now); and when Armistice Day,
celebrating the end of World War (the 11th hour of the
11th day of the 11th month) was transformed into Veterans Day,
honoring the veterans of all our nation's wars.
So, one wonders how long the
memorialization of 9/11 will last. In a letter to the
editor of the New York Times, published on the 10th anniversary, made an
interesting and provocative point:
On that fateful morning I was in the South Tower
above the 90th floor. I escaped without injury, but 13
of my colleagues lost their lives. I have been living with the
memories of that day, just as I have been living with memories
of the Holocaust. But enough is enough!
When will we stop this nonstop memorializing?
Ten years have passed and the reconstruction on the World
Trade Center site has barely begun. Ten years after World War
II Europe was largely rebuilt.
I know families who lost loved ones, and all
they ask for is that they stop being reminded constantly about
what happened. A quiet and tasteful memorial for first
responders and victims should be enough. It is time to
close the door on the event and let the survivors live our
normal lives.
Eviatar Zerubavel has
written cogently about national calendars, what they
celebrate, and how dates and events go on and drop off
them. One wonders when 9/11will go the way of Armistice
Day, V-E Day, and V-J Day.
This page last updated
01/09/2024.