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The UC Berkeley International Youth and Students for Social Equality (IYSSE) calls for workers and young people throughout the Bay Area to demonstrate their opposition to US military action in Syria!

We are making a strong appeal for UC Berkeley students to voice their opinions about US and global military intervention into Syria. The lessons we learned from the Iraq war in 2003 shows that any “humanitarian” justifications for war are thoroughly disingenuous coming from a ruling class that dismisses democracy in its own country!

This will be a demonstration – not for pressuring the big business parties involved, but for discussing and learning the ideas and the program that are in the interest of the working class – in Syria, the US, and internationally. Speakers from the IYSSE and the Socialist Equality Party will deliver lectures concerning the situation, both historically and currently.

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1. The Socialist Equality Party and the International Committee of the Fourth International call on workers and youth in the United States, Europe and throughout the world to mobilize their collective strength against the plans of the Obama administration and its allies for a military assault on Syria.

The statement of President Obama on Saturday that he would seek Congressional authorization for the bombing of Syria means only that the attack has been delayed, not that it has been called off.
The recourse to a vote in Congress is a cynical political maneuver aimed at legitimizing a war based on lies. After Thursday’s stunning defeat in the British parliament of a pro-war resolution, the Obama administration is scrambling to create a political cover for an illegal war opposed by the overwhelming majority of the American people. Obama expects, with good reason, that Congress will sanction the attack on Syria. Moreover, the charade of a congressional debate will enable Obama to claim that the decision for war has been arrived at democratically and expresses the “will of the people.” This argument will be invoked to justify increased repression against those who oppose the war.

2. Among the central lies being employed by the Obama administration is the claim that military action will be “limited,” aimed only at punishing Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for using chemical weapons.

There is nothing limited about the massive bombardment that will be unleashed against Syria. In his Rose Garden speech, Obama stated that the attacks would seek to “degrade [the] capacity” of the Syrian military. This will require the large-scale destruction of equipment and the killing of thousands of soldiers and civilians. The US military plan will be a repeat in all but name of the “shock and awe” tactics employed against Iraq in 2003.
US military action will continue until it meets its strategic aims: reversing the course of civil war in Syria in favor of the US-backed opposition, killing President Assad if possible, crippling the regime and clearing the way for the installation of a puppet government of the United States.

Beyond Syria, the aim is to undermine the influence of Iran, Russia and other US competitors in the region. The war against Syria will lead rapidly to a military confrontation with Iran. The New York Times reported on Sunday that Obama told his staff that the most “compelling” reason for seeking Congressional authorization was that “acting alone would undercut him if in the next three years he needed Congressional authority for his next military confrontation in the Middle East, perhaps with Iran.”

3. There is no question but that the administration is in serious crisis. The road to war has not gone as smoothly as Obama expected. Obama believed that the allegations of a poison gas attack would succeed in stampeding the public into war. The missiles were to be fired and the bombs dropped before any questions could be asked, let alone answered. These plans suffered a setback after the vote in the British parliament vote, when it became clear that Prime Minister David Cameron could not substantiate any allegations of Syrian use of chemical weapons.

While Obama was prepared to go to war without public support within the United States—polls put support for military strikes on Syria at as low as nine percent—the defeat in Parliament created a politically untenable situation. The administration concluded that it would be politically dangerous to begin war without either domestic support or credible international backing. The vote in Congress is intended to create the pretense of broad public support for war.

4. With the date for the beginning of a congressional debate only one week away, the days ahead will witness a massive media propaganda campaign in support of war, centered on claims of Syrian government use of chemical weapons.
These allegations have no credibility. Numerous reports already implicate the opposition, dominated by Al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorist organizations, in the gas attack. These reports include statements from witnesses who assert that the opposition forces used chemical weapons provided by the intelligence agencies of Saudi Arabia, which opposes Assad. Moreover, it is a fact that US-backed opposition forces have used chemical weapons before and have been caught in possession of sarin nerve gas.
The US spy agencies’ “intelligence assessment” released by Secretary of State John Kerry on Friday is a compendium of lies and empty assertions unsupported by any concrete evidence. The administration has refused calls from Russia to make this evidence available to the United Nations for independent review.

5. Even if it were to be established that the Syrian military had used poison gas, this would not change the predatory and imperialist character of the US intervention. For two years, the US has worked with allies in the region, along with Britain and France, to stoke a civil war, aiming at regime change. The Assad regime has long been perceived as a potential obstacle to US machinations in the Middle East, largely due to its close relations with Iran and Russia.

The hypocritical claims of the Obama administration to be motivated by “humanitarian” motives are exposed by its long and bloody record in the Middle East. Most recently, the US had no trouble accepting the mass killing carried out last month by the Egyptian military, funded with billions of dollars in US subsidies.

A determined struggle against the disaster that is being prepared is necessary. In opposing war, however, no confidence can be placed in the Congress—an institution that, no less than the White House, is controlled by the corporate and financial elite.

The top officials of both parties, Democrat and Republican, have already declared their support for war, and the entire political establishment has waged more than a decade of unending war, under the rubric of the “war on terror.” Even if the war resolution is voted down, it will at best delay but not stop the drive to war. The same is true in Britain, where maneuvers are already underway to hold another vote to authorize war, following action by the US Congress.

6. If war is to be stopped, action independent of the Congress and the two big-business parties must be taken by working people, students and youth. The fight against war must be made the spearhead of the fight against the relentless attacks on living standards and basic democratic rights of the working class. This is, in essence, a struggle against capitalism.

This is not a time for watchful waiting, but conscious political action. This must begin at once. It is necessary for all those who oppose the war to make their voice heard. The question of war must be taken out of the hands of the ruling elite and its political representatives.

Lenin’s definitive work on the role of a political party in catalyzing a mass socialist movement of the working class lays out the fundamental task, the fight to bring a scientific socialist perspective to workers. Lenin makes a case for the creation of mass newspaper, whose perspective is guided by an uncompromising Marxist analysis of world events, to help workers understand how their immediate struggles are related to the broader struggles of workers across the Russia and the world, and to expose and study the class relations that underly society. This is the perspective behind the World Socialist Website, wsws.org.

Lenin comes out both barrels blazing against an orientation toward spontaneity or a rejection of the political struggle in favor of a struggle simply for better wages and working conditions. More broadly, Lenin makes the case for an unrelenting fight to expose the class interests behind opportunist and reformist political tendencies of all sorts. This work’s continuing significance is demonstrated perhaps most vividly by the unrelenting efforts of so-called “left” tendencies of all sorts to falsify, obscure and attack Lenin’s unambiguous arguments. Lenin is labeled an elitist, an authoritarian, a revisionist of Marxism (among pseudo-Marxists), a true adherent of Marxism (among anti-Marxists), and ridiculous claims are made that Lenin himself backed away from these views because he didn’t immediately reprint the work after the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia.

So, what is the truth? In the current rapidly changing period of history, what is to be done? We invite you to join us on October 8 to discuss “What is to be Done?”.

Here is a link to “What is to be Done?”: http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1901/witbd/

We invite you to join us for a discussion of sections 4-end of Lenin’s ‘What is to be Done?’

Here is a link to a PDF version: https://www.dropbox.com/s/svjglfdimf2wyfc/WITBD121011.pdf

Lenin’s definitive work on the role of a political party in catalyzing a mass socialist movement of the working class lays out the fundamental task, the fight to bring a scientific socialist perspective to workers. Lenin makes a case for the creation of mass newspaper, whose perspective is guided by an uncompromising Marxist analysis of world events, to help workers understand how their immediate struggles are related to the broader struggles of workers across the Russia and the world, and to expose and study the class relations that underly society. This is the perspective behind the World Socialist Website, wsws.org.

Lenin comes out both barrels blazing against an orientation toward spontaneity or a rejection of the political struggle in favor of a struggle simply for better wages and working conditions. More broadly, Lenin makes the case for an unrelenting fight to expose the class interests behind opportunist and reformist political tendencies of all sorts. This work’s continuing significance is demonstrated perhaps most vividly by the unrelenting efforts of so-called “left” tendencies of all sorts to falsify, obscure and attack Lenin’s unambiguous arguments. Lenin is labeled an elitist, an authoritarian, a revisionist of Marxism (among pseudo-Marxists), a true adherent of Marxism (among anti-Marxists), and ridiculous claims are made that Lenin himself backed away from these views because he didn’t immediately reprint the work after the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia.

So, what is the truth? In the current rapidly changing period of history, what is to be done? We invite you to join us on October 8 to discuss “What is to be Done?”.

This week we are reading Results and Prospects, Leon Trotsky’s groundbreaking 1906 work. Results and Prospects explains the political implications of Russia’s particular course of historical development, with a feudal autocracy grafted on top of a rapidly growing industrial base owned by foreign investors. Through this historical analysis, Trotsky lays out, with striking accuracy, a prediction of the revolutionary role the working class would come to play, and the tasks ahead for the instigation of a global socialist transition after the proletariat had seized power in Russia.

In the wake of the 1905 revolutionary upsurge in the Russian Empire, serious questions faced the global socialist movement. The Russian working class had proved itself as the leading revolutionary force against the Tsarist autocracy, while the bourgeois democratic movement the Mensheviks and others expected to replace the Tsar had failed to substantively materialize. Why had this happened? What was the way forward, in Russia and in the rest of the world? These are the questions Trotsky seeks to answer in Results and Prospects.

Here is a link to a PDF that contains both Results and Prospects and Permanent Revolution, which fleshes out many ideas put forward in R&P: https://www.dropbox.com/s/iho8sj7au67odh9/LDTPermRev121104_2.pdf

The Transitional Program, authored by Leon Trotsky in 1938, clearly laid the theoretical groundwork for the construction of a mass socialist party in the US. Trotsky proposes a set of concrete transitional demands, such as the expropriation of super-wealthy individuals, and the creation of independent factory committees, while explaining that the uncompromising struggle to achieve these demands will inevitably lead the working class to fight independently for political power.

Although much has changed since the outbreak of WWII, many of the basic points laid out in the transitional program are just as relevant today as they were then. We hope to see you there.

Here is a link to the text:https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2008/10/prog-o21.html

“Tsar to Lenin” is the only documentary film comprised entirely of actual film footage from the Russian Revolution, and the periods immediately before and after. This extraordinary footage was compiled by Herman Axelbank, who spent years traveling through Eastern Europe, gathering it using any means at his disposal. Released in 1937, at the height of Stalin’s Great Terror, in which the bulk of the Soviet revolutionary generation was physically exterminated, the film received a warm reception from critics, but was quickly suppressed by the Stalinist Communist Party in the US.

Narrated by Max Eastman, sometimes known as the first American Trotskyist, this film is required viewing  for anyone trying to understand the historical significance of Russian Revolution, and its implications in the present period.

You can watch the preview at: http://tsartolenin.com/

We invite you to join us for a weekly discussion of pressing current topics and equally pressing lessons from classic Marxist historical and theoretical works.

We will be discussing the escalating tensions in the East China Sea since the establishment of China’s Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) in late November.

By proclaiming an ADIZ that contains the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, also claimed by Japan, and a submerged rock claimed by South Korea, China has played right  into Washington’s hands. Through its military and diplomatic “Pivot to Asia”, US imperialism is playing a reckless game of chicken in the East China Sea and elsewhere in an attempt to use its residual military supremacy to offset its China’s economic ascendency amid the US terminal economic decline. The result is eerily similar to the European powder keg in 1913, stoked by tensions between a declining Britain and an ascendant Germany  in 1913.

Please read the following articles for background knowledge on the developments:

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/11/25/chin-n25.html https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/11/29/adiz-n29.html https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/12/05/adiz-d05.html https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/12/06/wolf-d06.html https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/12/06/bide-d06.html

In this weekly course, we study foundational Marxist works by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, as well as contemporary works by the International Committee of the Fourth International. From these groundbreaking works, we aim to draw powerful political lessons for the present day.

For more information, visit: http://www.decal.org/courses/2986

In this weekly course, we study foundational Marxist works by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, as well as contemporary works by the International Committee of the Fourth International. From these groundbreaking works, we aim to draw powerful political lessons for the present day.

For more information, visit: http://www.decal.org/courses/2986