In May 2021, the Ludwig Uhland Institute in Tübingen celebrated the 50th
anniversary of renaming itself from Folklore Studies/Volkskunde to
Empirische Kulturwissenschaft1. It was the first of the German
university institutes to separate itself from the term “Volk” in its name.
The initiative for the renaming came from students, assistants, and
professor Hermann Bausinger, who had critically examined the National
Socialist past of the subject in advance. The German student movement and
the reading of Critical Theory also influenced the discussion of the
“farewell to folk life,” (Abschied vom Volksleben 1970) as it was
proclaimed in an anthology published in Tübingen in 1970. The call for
critical reflection on the history of the subject has been anchored our
habitus ever since. Today the numerous written and auditory documents of
this period of upheaval again offer the possibility of a critical rereading
of the same (cf. Bürkert & Johler 2021).
Anniversaries make it seem like you can pinpoint a change to a specific
day. They cover up the process of transformation with its conflicts and
setbacks. This is why I do not like to use Thomas S. Kuhns term “paradigm
shift,” as he describes it as a “revolution” or “evolution” of
“conceptualization, observation, and apparatus” (Kuhn 1962, 57) to capture
the changes in our discipline that were ongoing around 1971. Rather I would
like to speak of a nonlinear transformation process whose “latency period”
(Bürkert 2015) goes back to the 1950s and continues in part until today. I
agree with Ingrid Slavec Gradisnik (Slovenia) in this issue when she
prefers the term transformation to the term development, which implies
linearity and purposefulness. In contrast, the process of transformation in
our discipline is characterized more as “complex and crisscrossed, and
identified with innovations, but also with standstills, dead ends,
obstacles, and detours” (Slavec Gradisnik, p. 131).
Such complex and crisscrossed transformation periods are described in this
issue about folklore studies in Latvia, Estonia, Slovenia, Finland, and
Turkey. Moreover, it is precisely these winding paths described here that
makes reading these histories of knowledge so worthwhile. The studies are
able to trace these detours because they follow actors and practices (cf.
Davidovic-Walther et al. 2009), rather than the sequences of theoretical
and methodological paradigms often narrated linearly in textbooks. It is
analytical categories such as milieu of knowledge, formats of knowledge,
and the specific knowledge practices in folklore studies/ethnology (cf.
Kaschuba et al. 2009) addressed here from a microlevel-perspective. For
example, Rita Grīnvalde’s (Latvia) contribution provides insight into the
genesis of two folkloristic publication projects that were produced in a
similar environment in exile, but nevertheless had very different levels of
outcome and conflict. It becomes very clear here that knowledge production
is dependent on the different interests of the actors involved and the
political and structural conditions that significantly shape the work and
its output.
The articles here provide rare insights into the everyday life of knowledge
production, which for a long time remained hidden behind the Iron Curtain
for the Western scientific community. They provide concrete examples to
show how the discipline was politically promoted, and how the ideological
constraints that this promotion entailed were dealt with in teaching and
research. Of particular interest here is Kaisa Langer’s (Estonia)
contribution, which vividly shows how students have dealt with censorship
and the pressure to address certain politically desired research topics.
There have been far too few such glimpses into classrooms as central sites
for the formation and transmission of knowledge stocks and knowledge
practices (cf. Bürkert 2016). Sources such as seminar syllabi or even
minutes of seminar discussions do not fall into the currently lively
discussion about preserving and managing research data. Most university
archives are not interested in these sources either. Here, it is often the
archives of the individual institutes that collect—often
unsystematically—these sources that provide valuable insights into everyday
teaching practices and, thus, into the negotiation of political contexts in
the classroom and students’ research papers. What is astonishing in the
Estonian case is the very conservative attitude of the students with their
idea of folklore as the science of an archaic past that can best be
demonstrated in peasant culture. This attitude at the same time was
resistant against the soviet regime. Students at a low level resisted the
research mandate imposed from above to deal with contemporary working-class
culture, and only recurred to it in the use of a doctrinaire rhetoric made
up of Marxist set pieces. On the one hand, this shows how ineffective a
research program is if it is purely politically motivated and does not have
grassroots support in the classrooms. On the other hand, the longue durée
of the romantic-nationalist movement of the 19th century becomes clear
here, which maintained its influence on the world of ideas of what folklore
should be and achieve in soviet-occupied countries, too. The pervasiveness
of the understanding of folklore as a science in the service of a völkisch-national search for origins becomes also astonishingly
apparent in the other articles. This is similar in Western Europe, where
nationalistic-romantic ideas partly shape—at least popular—conceptions of
folklore studies until today, which is precisely why a consequent renaming
of the subject and its associations still seems necessary (dgv 2021).
More over this issue proves the value of an international history of
knowledge of this special discipline formerly known as folklores studies.
For “beyond national ties and bloc affiliations, a remarkably independent
international development took place, which connected the nationally
integrated folkloristic-ethnological disciplines” (Schmoll 2015, 48f.). The
common pages in the article by Ingrid Slavek Gradisnik (Slovenia) are
particularly striking. Her analysis of the conflict between scholars such
as Slavko Kremensek, who wanted to evolve new theoretical and
methodological concepts, and scholars who worked in a more positivistic
style have many parallels to the German debates from the 1960s onward (cf.
Birkalan-Gedik, Schmoll & Timm 2021). Kremensek accused his
colleagues—very similar to Utz Jeggle (1970) in Germany, for example—of
adhering to “positivist, often nationalistic and even politically biased
ethnographic traditions” (Slavec Gradisnik, p. 141). The heated discussions
and mutual accusations, some of which were based on misunderstandings, as
Slavec Gradisnik (p. 142) shows, are strikingly reminiscent of the
discussions that took place, for example, in Detmold in 1969 at the
congress of the German Folklore Society. There, too, was a heated
discussion about the future of the discipline, and the young scholars
fundamentally questioned how museum scholars and traditional folklorists
embedded their research methodologically and theoretically (cf. Bürkert
2021a). Kremensek began publishing his critical and innovative thoughts in
the early 1960s (cf. Slavec Gradisnik) before the discussion in Germany
reached its peak. It would be interesting to find out to what extent his
German and other colleagues in Europe were aware of his work and if the
scholarly exchange had been carried out here at any level.
Estates with first-person documents, especially correspondence, of scholars
are significant sources when it comes to tracing questions of exchange and
networks between scholars, as well as interconnections between politics and
academia and between folkloristic practice and folklore studies. These
sources are not always considered as research data, and they are often
given little importance. However, they are of immense importance for the
historical ethnography of academic practices and their impact on society.
They even allow to draw conclusions about past work routines and the
understanding of self-efficacy of scholars in and beyond academia, which
are challenging to reconstruct via historical studies of published
research. In particular, the effects of folklore studies in the local
region, the role of scholars in the development and shaping of local
folkloristic practice, such as museums of local history, preservation of
historical monuments, and the work of associations can often only be
accessed through such first-person documents. The lack of attention paid to
these sources in the history of knowledge means that the relevance and
social impact of the subject are often underestimated. The sphere of
influence of folklore studies is often a local one, but one closely
networked with local actors who shape how folklore is lived and
popularized.
Therefore the question of the design and transformation of applied or
public folklore as presented by Hande Birkalan-Gedik in the case of Turkey
is also very prolific for an international debate. Here we see again that
there is a profound difference between public folklore on the one hand,
which produces knowledge for and in collaboration with
agents from the broader public, and applied folklore on the other, which
popularizes knowledge in a particular way often politically motivated. Here
it is necessary to think again more carefully about the different
connotations of the terms cultural brokerage and knowledge transfer in
different historical and political contexts. They often cannot be used
congruently, as the discussions at the end of the 1990s between German and
American experts have already shown (Bendix & Welz 1999; Bürkert
(2021b).
The questions ticked on in this issue make it all the more worthwhile to
continue to exchange views on the specific terms of knowledge production
and knowledge transfer in an international network. The contributions have
shown that it is helpful to adopt research categories from other national
contexts and where the situational contexts lead to new perspectives on
existing analyses. I very much hope for the possibilities to meet up again
soon in workshops, having vivid discussions, and to share our sources and
analytical thoughts on our different but somehow congruent knowledge
histories in our discipline of many names.